The Future Governance of Citizenship Part 9 pptx

Changing attitudes and culture

What underpins the above pathways on minority inclusion and sustains the

variable geometry of citizenship is the cultivation of those citizenship qualities

mostly associated with critical citizenship. Exclusion and subordination have

thrived within environments characterised by constructed racial hierarchies,

patterns of prejudice and assumptions concerning the inferior traits of certain

groups. It is certainly the case that the modalities of racism, sexism and other

institionalised prejudice change over time, but it is equally true that prejudicial

views are deeply embedded within the society and institutions resulting in

practices of discrimination and subordination. In this respect, changing atti￾tudes and culture ought to be a key objective of policy interventions in favour

of minority incorporation.

Regrettably, policies are often driven by a desire to appeal to conservative

attitudes and to produce eye-catching initiatives that will attract voters. In

addition, principles, such as respecting the equal dignity of all residents and

their human right to develop and realise their potential unhindered by

unnecessary obstacles and prejudice, are often ignored in the pursuit of narrow

political expediency. More importantly, the long-term effects of particular

governmental initiatives on community relations often pass unnoticed. For

example, when policies and official discourses narrow the circle of belonging

and illegitimately stigmatise certain groups, individuals feel that it is acceptable

to display their hostility, resentment and prejudices in the workplace and

society and to target certain groups. The targeted groups, on their part, often

pursue strategies of inversion, that is, they respond to what they perceive as the

mainstream society’s rejection by rejecting the mainstream and its organizing

principles (Gibson 1989).12

For this reason, inclusion and respectful belonging require the cultivation of

an ethos of respect and responsibility, which would obligate officials, educators,

legislators and persons working in the media to abstain from discriminatory,

racist and xenophobic speech and to ensure that policies, laws and administra￾tive provisions treat each individual as a respected member and full participant.

The enhancement of human dignity should be integrated into policy, politics

and culture. Fair and balanced media reporting and the display of respectful

public attitudes towards all groups would also contribute to the institutionali￾sation of a civic culture of anti-discrimination and anti-racism and to cross￾cultural communication and understanding. Such a civic culture would foster

what Young (1990, pp. 82–5) has called ‘a spirit of openness to unassimilated

otherness’, that is, the positive recognition of the Other as both ‘other’ and

‘co-other’ and the establishment of strong links among communities.

12 As the Foreign Policy Centre in the UK has found, open criticism of the Muslim culture in the

UK has led to an increased self-identification as ‘Muslims’ and the adoption of Islamic dress

codes by women and beards by men: ‘Born in the UK: Young Muslims in Britain’: http://

fpc.org.uk/fsblob/792.pdf.

183 Pathways to inclusion

Having outlined some horizontal pathways to inclusion, the discussion will

now focus on vertical pathways, commencing with education.

Vertical pathways

Education

Education has been, and continues to be, important for citizenship. Nation￾building processes have relied on centralised educational systems in order to

inculcate a common national identity and to create patriotic citizens.

Notwithstanding this fact, however, it is generally acknowledged that educa￾tion not only encourages the development of individuals’ personality, poten￾tial and capacity for critical thinking, but also equips them with the knowledge

and skills they need in order to function as responsible and active citizens.

Indeed, it is the latter element of civic education that Rousseau extolled in

Emile and which has since been praised by civic republicanism. Very much a

feature of citizenship education in contemporary democratic states is a shift of

focus away from using education to mould people into a homogeneous nation

towards fostering an appreciation of the contributions made by different

communities and cultures and of the wider order beyond the national culture,

be it transnational, international or supranational.13 As Dewey (1923, p. 452)

observed in 1923:

We need a curriculum in history, literature, and geography which will make the

different racial elements in this country aware of what each has contributed and

will create a mental attitude toward other people which will make it more

difficult for the flames of hatred and suspicion to sweep over this country in

the future, which indeed will make this impossible, because when children’s

minds are in the formative period we shall have fixed in them, through the

medium of schools, feelings of respect and friendliness for the other nations and

peoples of the world.

But the goals of citizenship education are undermined not only when

education is used to consolidate the cultural and ethnic overtones of national

identity, to promote homogeneity and to eliminate dissent, but also when the

educational institutional system tolerates discrimination and inequalities. For

this reason, both international and European Community laws have made it

clear that multicultural education is not discretionary. Given that states are no

longer viewed to be private clubs run by hegemonic groups, they are required

to take measures to foster the knowledge, history, language and religion of

minority communities and to provide opportunities for instruction in minor￾ity languages. A critical and reflexive approach to history, the interpretation of

key events from multiple perspectives, a more intercultural curriculum,

emphasis on multilingualism and encouraging interfaith dialogic exchanges

13 On the origins of the project of education for world citizenship, see Heater (1999).

184 The Future Governance of Citizenship