Tài liệu State of the Nation - South Africa 2008 pptx

Edited by Lungisile Ntsebeza & Peter Kagwanja

South Africa 2008

Edited By Peter Kagwanja & Kwandiwe Kondlo

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Published by HSRC Press

Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa

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First published 2009

ISBN (soft cover) 978-0-7969-2199-4

ISBN (pdf) 978-0-7969-2285-4

© 2009 Human Sciences Research Council

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Contents

List of tables and figures vii

Foreword ix

Acronyms xii

Introduction: Uncertain democracy - elite fragmentation and

the disintegration of the ‘nationalist consensus’ in South Africa xv

Peter Kagwanja

Part I: Politics

1 The Polokwane moment and South Africa’s democracy at the crossroads 3

Somadoda Fikeni

2 Modernising the African National Congress:

The legacy of President Thabo Mbeki 35

William M Gumede

3 The state of the Pan-Africanist Congress in a democratic South Africa 58

Thabisi Hoeane

4 Black Consciousness in contemporary South African politics 84

Thiven Reddy

Part II: Economics

5 The developmental state in South Africa: The difficult road ahead 107

Sampie Terreblanche

6 Globalisation and transformation of the South African merchant navy:

A case of flag of (in)convenience shipping? 131

Shaun Ruggunan

7 Service delivery as a measure of change:

State capacity and development 151

David Hemson, Jonathan Carter and Geci Karuri-Sebina

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8 The state of our environment:

Safeguarding the foundation for development 178

Donald Gibson, Amina Ismail, Darryll Kilian and Maia Matshikiza

Part III: Society

9 Beyond yard socialism: Landlords, tenants and social power

in the backyards of a South African city 203

Leslie Bank

10 Internationalisation and competitiveness in South African

urban governance: On the contradictions of aspirationist

urban policy-making 226

Scarlett Cornelissen

Part IV: South Africa, Africa and the globe

11 South Africa and the Great Lakes: A complex diplomacy 253

Che Ajulu

12 Cry sovereignty: South Africa in the UN Security Council,

2007–2008 275

Peter Kagwanja

13 Praetorian solidarity: The state of military relations between

South Africa and Zimbabwe 303

Peter Kagwanja and Martin Revayi Rupiya

Contributors 332

Index 334

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vii

Tables and figures

Tables

Table 1.1 ANC membership and voting delegates at the December 2007

conference 17

Table 1.2 Polokwane conference election results for top six NEC positions

18

Table 1.3 2004 election results: National Assembly 25

Table 3.1 Major South African political parties represented in the

National Assembly after the 1994, 1999 and 2004 elections,

by percentage 72

Table 6.1 Unicorn’s ships and flagging practices 134

Table 10.1 Economic development goals in South Africa’s three largest

metropolises, 2006–2111 239

Table 10.2 Johannesburg Development Agency’s main partnerships and

development projects 242

Table 10.3 Durban Investment Promotion Agency’s main partnerships

and development projects 243

Table 11.1 South African foreign policy priorities, 2004–2008 255

Table 12.1 Kofi Annan’s plans for the reform of the UN Security

Council, 2005 284

Table 12.2 AU plans for UN Security Council reform, 2005 288

Figures

Figure 8.1 Conceptual models of development 180

Figure 8.2 Ecosystem services and their relationship to human

well-being 181

Figure 8.3 Levels of soil, vegetation and overall degradation in South Africa,

c. 1998 185

Figure 8.4 Status of terrestrial ecosystems, South Africa, 2004 188

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ix

Foreword

The exciting times in which we live as South Africans just never end. The

period 1994 to 1999, sometimes referred to as the era of ‘Madiba magic’,

was a heroic one; it was a time of tasting and celebrating the possibilities of

our new democracy. From 1999 to 2004, the period some refer to as the era

of ‘Mbeki logic’, responses to managerial imperatives came to the fore and

we witnessed the implementation of comprehensive policy reforms and the

steady growth of our economy. The years 2004 to the present have combined

the hope and optimism of the Madiba period and the orientation towards

policy implementation and public service management of the Mbeki period

with an increasing sense of uncertainty and anxiety as the leadership contests

within the African National Congress (ANC) dominate public attention. The

latter trend culminated in the December 2007 ANC National Conference in

Polokwane, the subsequent recall of President Mbeki, the split within the

ruling party, and the formation of a new political party – the Congress of the

People.

These developments have generated much debate and the expression of a wide

range of views. Some political analysts emphasised the basic dimension of ‘a

changing of the guard’ and its associated manifestations in the redefinition

of existing relations between party and state, between the leadership and the

led, and between the haves and the have-nots, as well as the consolidation

of internal democracy in the ANC-led alliance in a way that amounts to the

reinvention of socio-political and economic emancipation. Other analysts

saw in the changes the settling in of a possible mediation of polarisations

and disparities in our political economy and society. Yet others saw in the

same changes the dynamism of stable continuity. As a result of these varied

perspectives, the conversations and debates about the likely future political,

social and economic trajectory of the country are ongoing and have become

interestingly robust. The chapters in this edition of State of the Nation

encompass these varied perspectives and are a sample of the ongoing debates.

In keeping with its commitment to ‘social science that makes a difference’, the

Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) is proud to present the selection of

views contained in this edition, which continues the tradition of contributing

to the ongoing dialogue and wide-ranging debates between researchers,

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STATE OF THE NATION 2008

x

policy-makers, public managers and policy activists, as well as revealing

and revelling in the vibrancy of our democracy and sharing contemporary

insights into the challenges facing our nation. As with previous editions, the

editors of this edition have attempted to strike a balance in their coverage

of issues – a balance between focusing on South Africa’s internal politics,

society and economy, and concentrating on South Africa’s external relations,

most critically with other African nations but also in relation to the country’s

bilateral and multilateral relations with the rest of the world.

The interpretations of our situation offered in this volume are diverse,

including some that are critical of government policies, state institutions,

political parties – including the ruling party – and global institutions.

However, all the contributors have sought to interpret their topics based upon

both historical understanding and empirical research, and the chapters reflect

a nuanced take on aspects of the state of our nation. Neither the introductory

chapter by the editors nor the perspectives presented in the subsequent

chapters represent the views of the HSRC and, as is the case with all HSRC

Press publications, editorial independence is respected and upheld as a matter

of principle.

I would like to record our gratitude to the four donor organisations that

continue to provide solid support to this project. Atlantic Philanthropies,

the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation and the Ford Foundation provided the

generous financial assistance which enabled the compilation and production

of this publication. Equally important was the contribution of the Konrad

Adenauer Foundation, which financed several workshops in the HSRC’s

Democracy and Governance Research Programme. The latter Foundation has

in the past also supported the launch workshops which allowed us to extend

the debate on the state of the nation well beyond the academy.

The success of State of the Nation is in large measure due to the commitment

and effort of its editors and in this regard I would like to single out the

contribution of the founding editors John Daniel, Adam Habib and Roger

Southall in launching what has now become a flagship publication of the

HSRC. The contributions of subsequent editors that variously included

Sakhela Buhlungu and Jessica Lutchman are also acknowledged. Thank you

all for the continuing legacy of scholarship in the nexus of social science and

public policy.

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xi

FOREWORD

For a number of reasons the transitions between various groups of editors

have not been as seamless as we would have desired and we have struggled

with ensuring continuity amidst change. Lungisile Ntsebeza, Peter Kagwanja

and Kwandiwe Kondlo, Executive Director of the HSRC’s Democracy and

Governance Research Programme, deserve a special word of thanks in

this regard. The delayed production of this edition was overcome through

tapping into collaboration networks and by drawing upon an outstanding

commitment to ensuring that this important national project continues. We

will continue to tap into these networks and draw upon this commitment

to ensure continuity for the future. As part of these efforts a new lead editor

will be appointed following the resignation of Lungisile Ntsebeza from the

editorial team. A decision has also been made to publish State of the Nation

at the beginning of each calendar year to coincide with the beginning of the

academic year in South African institutions of higher education, rather than

towards the end of the calendar year as was previously the case.

As with previous editions, Garry Rosenberg, Mary Ralphs, Karen Bruns,

Utando Baduza and all the staff of the HSRC Press have continued to play

their part in ensuring the success of this project and I convey the appreciation

of their colleagues.

State of the Nation is a mechanism for dialogue and public debate aimed at

engendering the kind of knowledge that public policy needs in order to be

more effective. I trust that this edition keeps us on course towards achieving

this goal.

Dr Olive Shisana

President and Chief Executive, HSRC

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xii

Acronyms

Africom African Command

ANC African National Congress

Apla Azanian People’s Liberation Army

Asgisa Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative of South Africa

AU African Union

Azapo Azanian People’s Organisation

BC Black Consciousness

BCF Black Consciousness Forum

BCM Black Consciousness Movement

BEE Black Economic Empowerment

BPC Black People’s Convention

CBD Central Business District

CBO Community-based organisation

Codesa Convention for a Democratic South Africa

Cosatu Congress of South African Trade Unions

CTRU Cape Town Routes Unlimited

DA Democratic Alliance

DBSA Development Bank of Southern Africa

DEAT Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism

DME Department of Minerals and Energy

DPSIR Drivers-pressures-state-impacts-responses

DRC Democratic Republic of Congo

DVRA Duncan Village Residents’ Association

ESI Environmental Sustainability Index

EU European Union

FDD Force for the Defence of Democracy

Fifa Fédération Internationale de Football Association

FLS Frontline States

FNL Forces for National Liberation

FoC Flag of convenience

Frelimo Frente de Libertação Moçambique

GDP Gross domestic product

GEAR Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme

HSRC Human Sciences Research Council

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xiii

ACRONYMS

ICC International Convention Centre

ICT Information and communications technology

ID Independent Democrats

IDP Integrated Development Plan

IFP Inkatha Freedom Party

ILO International Labour Organization

IMF International Monetary Fund

IRIN UN Integrated Regional Information Network

IT Information technology

ITF International Transport Workers Federation

JDA Johannesburg Development Agency

JOC Joint Operations Command

MCS Marine Crew Services

MDC Movement for Democratic Change (Zimbabwe)

MK Umkhonto we Sizwe

MP Member of parliament

MPLA Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola

NDR National Democratic Revolution

NEC National Executive Committee

Nepad New Partnership for Africa’s Development

NFSD National Framework for Sustainable Development

NGC National General Council

NGO Non-governmental organisation

NNP New National Party

NP National Party

NPA National Prosecuting Authority

NSDP National Spatial Development Perspective

NWC National Working Committee

OAU Organisation of African Unity

OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

OPDS Organ for Politics, Defence and Security

PAC Pan-Africanist Congress

PRC People’s Republic of China

PSC Public Service Commission

RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme

RLDF Royal Lesotho Defence Force

RSC Regional Services Council

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STATE OF THE NATION 2008

xiv

SAAF South African Air Force

SABC South African Broadcasting Association

SACP South African Communist Party

SADC Southern African Development Community

SADF South African Defence Force

SAfMA Southern African Millennium Ecosystem Assessment

Samsa South African Maritime Safety Authority

Sanco South African National Civic Organisation

Sars South African Revenue Service

Saso South African Students’ Organisation

SASSA South African Social Security Agency

Satawu South African Transport and Allied Workers Union

Sopa Socialist Party of Azania

SRI Socially Responsible Investment

Swapo South West African People’s Organisation

TETA Transport Education and Training Authority

UCDP United Christian Democratic Party

UDF United Democratic Front

UDM United Democratic Movement

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nations Development Progrmme

Unita National Union for the Total Independence of Angola

UNOMSA UN Observer Mission in South Africa

UNSC United Nations Security Council

Wesgro Western Cape Trade and Investment Promotion Agency

Zanu-PF Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front

Zapu Zimbabwe African People’s Union

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xv

Introduction: Uncertain democracy – elite

fragmentation and the disintegration of the

‘nationalist consensus’ in South Africa

Peter Kagwanja

Since ethnonationalism is a direct consequence of key elements of

modernization, it is likely to gain ground in societies undergoing

such a process. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that it remains

among the most vital – and most disruptive – forces in many parts

of the contemporary world. (Muller 2008: 33)

Two historic events have heralded the disintegration of nationalism in South

Africa: the electoral defeat of the nationalist icon President Robert Mugabe of

Zimbabwe in March 2008, forcing him to sign a power-sharing deal with the

opposition; and the forced exit of President Thabo Mbeki, another architect of

African nationalism, in September of the same year. Faced with bloodletting

power struggles, escalating violent crime, joblessness, grinding poverty and

mass protests by the impoverished across the country against spiralling food

prices, the high cost of living and poor service delivery, former President

Mbeki prefaced his annual ‘State of the Nation’ address on 9 February 2007

with a passionate appeal to the unifying impulse of nationalism. Mbeki’s

speech has become emblematic of South Africa’s troubling transition from

the ‘age of hope’ of the early post-apartheid years to a new ‘age of despair’

(Mashike 2008). This volume of State of the Nation draws attention to

nationalism as the salient issue that has framed the seismic shifts in South

Africa’s politics, economy, society and foreign relations in the run-up to and

aftermath of the historic 52nd African National Congress (ANC) National

Conference in Polokwane in December 2007 – which sounded the death knell

to the Mbeki presidency (1999–2008).

In the 15 years since the demise of the parochial nationalisms of the apartheid

era, South Africa’s democracy has become increasingly uncertain. What

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STATE OF THE NATION 2008

xvi

was identified elsewhere in immediate post-colonial Africa as ‘the era of

the beautiful bride’, where the nationalist euphoria of the liberation period

served as the glue that held together the broad elite consensus, has come to a

close. And with it, the outlook for South African nationalism, which reached

its apex under Mbeki, looks bleak. Mbeki’s South Africa is a dramatic story,

unequalled elsewhere in Africa. Far from producing one united and equitable

nation, post-apartheid development strategies have created what analysts

have dubbed ‘two different countries’ (Herbst 2005: 93): one Lockean, largely

white, wealthy and secure; the other Hobbesian, overwhelmingly black,

poverty-stricken and crime-ridden. The ‘two countries’, however, share one

of the world’s reputably most liberal constitutions and a vibrant pluralist

democracy characterised by regular free and fair elections – albeit up to this

point dominated by the ruling ANC – and an economy that has grown faster

in the last 15 years than it did in the 1980s, increasingly attracting foreign

investments and its capital penetrating deeper into the African markets.

The glue that held Mbeki’s two countries together was a broad-based elite

consensus grounded on the miracle of transition in the 1990s, clinched under

the eminent statesman Nelson Mandela, and South Africans’ astonishingly

high optimism despite the odds. During his ‘State of the Nation’ address on

3 February 2006, Mbeki declared, ‘Our country has entered its age of hope,’

appealing to this extraordinary sense of optimism even as the impoverished

mounted protests (Mashike 2008: 433). But the glue of nationalist euphoria is

seemingly coming loose, poising the ‘two countries’ on the edge of a dangerous

clash. Post-Mbeki South Africa is at the crossroads: the elite consensus has

fallen apart, optimism is giving way to pessimism and the future of democracy

and the nationalist project is becoming increasingly uncertain. Most of the

contributions to this volume of State of the Nation were written well before

Polokwane and Mbeki’s own exit from the presidency. However, in a profound

sense, the chapters shed light on the dynamics that led to these epoch-making

events now shaping a post-Mbeki South Africa. The editors have, however,

revised this introduction and the first chapter to update the volume and

place it in the context of post-Mbeki politics, with its high point being the

unprecedented split of the ANC and the resultant far-reaching implications

for the future of South Africa’s democracy.

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INTRODUCTION

xvii

The decline of elite consensus and the ‘clash of peoples’

Long before President Mbeki was forced to exit, South Africa had already

experienced bouts of the worldwide surge of ethnonationalism, defined in

dramatic terms as the ‘clash of peoples’, now poised to drive global politics

for generations to come (Muller 2008). Underpinning South Africa’s 1994

political settlement was the idea of civic or liberal nationalism: that ‘all people’

are considered part of the nation regardless of their ethnic, racial, religious

or geographic origins (Chipkin 2007). This conceptualisation of nationalism

bequeathed the country with a liberal Constitution and a panoply of public

bodies, collectively known as Chapter 9 institutions, aimed at fortifying

democracy and promoting and protecting the rights of the ‘people’. Civic

nationalism produced a unifying vision of the nation, designed to trump the

varieties of insular nationalism or ethnicity that bedevilled South Africa at

the height of apartheid (Geertsema 2006; Ramutsindela 2002). Indeed, the

post-apartheid ‘nationalist consensus’, based on the liberal vision(s) of the

nation, is now collapsing, caving in to a new upsurge of narrow sentiments of

ethnonationalism or the idea that nations are defined by common language,

heritage, faith and often a common ethnic ancestry (Muller 2008).

Some trace the woes of civic nationalism to Mbeki’s ‘activist presidency’, which

accented African nationalism and often resorted to the language of class and

racial struggle to counter criticism, especially from white critics (Herbst

2005). In his controversially titled book – Do South Africans Exist? – Ivor

Chipkin (2007) resorts to this criticism of Mbeki to launch his strident attack

on African nationalism as inherently anti-democratic. However, Chipkin’s

analysis misses the nuanced observation made by other scholars that it is

not African nationalism but, rather, the hard-to-reconcile contradictions of

South Africa’s civic nationalism that pose the greatest threat to democracy.

Mbeki’s own activism reflected these contradictions which Herbst (2005: 94)

eloquently sums up as ‘the imperative to continue the struggle against racism;

the need to enforce the solidarity of the liberation movement; the exigencies

of participation in a multiparty democracy; and the desire to govern in a

manner that promotes the interests of all South Africans.’

These contradictions also largely account for the bitter succession struggles

within and between former liberation movements like the ANC, discussed in

this volume of State of the Nation. These struggles have, in turn, eroded the

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