Tài liệu Limits to Liberation in Southern Africa pptx

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Compiled by the Democracy & Governance Research Programme,

Human Sciences Research Council

Published by HSRC Press

Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa

www.hsrcpublishers.ac.za

In association with the Journal of Contemporary African Studies,

Institute of Social and Economic Research, Rhodes University,

Grahamstown 6140, South Africa

© 2003 Human Sciences Research Council

First published 2003

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced

or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,

including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or

retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

ISBN 0-7969-2025-7

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Contents

Acknowledgements viii

Acronyms x

Introduction xiii

Henning Melber

1 Democracy and the Control of Elites 1

Kenneth Good

2 Liberation and Opposition in Zimbabwe 23

Suzanne Dansereau

3 In Defence of National Sovereignty?

Urban Governance and Democracy in Zimbabwe 47

Amin Kamete

4 As Good as It Gets?

Botswana’s “Democratic Development” 72

Ian Taylor

5 Chieftaincy and the Negotiation of Might and Right

in Botswana’s Democracy 93

Francis B. Nyamnjoh

6 Between Competing Paradigms:

Post-Colonial Legitimacy in Lesotho 115

Roger Southall

7 From Controlled Change to Changed Control:

The Case of Namibia 134

Henning Melber

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8 Armed Struggle in South Africa:

Consequences of a Strategy Debate 156

Martin Legassick

9 Culture(s) of the African National Congress of South Africa:

Imprint of Exile Experiences 178

Raymond Suttner

10 Liberal or Liberation Framework?

The Contradictions of ANC Rule in South Africa 200

Krista Johnson

Contributors 224

Index 225

vi

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Tables

Table 3.1: Voter composition in Harare in 1990 and 2000 55

Table 3.2: Constituency representation for Harare in parliament in 1990

and 2000 56

Table 3.3: The assault on democracy 59

Table 3.4: In defence of national sovereignty 65

Table 3.5: No patriotic agenda 67

Table 4.1: Number of seats won in Botswana’s general elections 75

Table 4.2: Percentage of popular vote won by party in

Botswana’s general elections 75

Table 7.1: Election results 1989–1999 for the larger political parties 141

Figures

Figure 3.1: Levels and types of elections in urban Zimbabwe 52

vii

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Acknowledgements

It took just over a year between the conference on ‘(Re-)Conceptualising

Democracy and Liberation in Southern Africa’ in July 2002 in Windhoek and

this publication of revised versions of most of the papers originally presented

there. This required the concerted efforts of many persons and institutions. The

Nordic Africa Institute provided the bulk of the material and administrative

support to organise the event within its research network on ‘Liberation and

Democracy in Southern Africa’. Arne Wunder and Charlotta Dohlvik were in

charge of the practical arrangements of bringing the participants to Windhoek.

The local organisation was achieved in collaboration with The Legal Assistance

Centre(in particular, its director, Clement Daniels) and the Namibia Institute for

Democracy (in particular, its directors, Theunis Keulder and Doris Weissnar).

The role played by Lennart Wohlgemuth, not only as a conference participant

and director of the Nordic Africa Institute, was motivating and encouraging

throughout. The emotional and very practical support by Sue Melber made her

once again a true companion also to the benefit of my employer and the other

participants. Without the assistance of all those mentioned, the original

conference would have been not only different but far less enjoyable.

I am grateful to Roger Southall for agreeing to the production of a special issue

of The Journal of Contemporary African Studies (JCAS) based on contributions

to the conference, as well as to Taylor and Francis, publishers of JCAS, for

agreeing to the co-publication of the issue as a book by the Human Sciences

Research Council (HSRC). Likewise, I am grateful to The Swedish International

Development Authority (Sida) for their financial support to the project

support through the Nordic Africa Institute.

Last but not least, the contributors to this volume displayed a high level of

efficiency and professionalism in their contribution to this project.

viii

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Complemented by the extraordinary skills and commitment of Nova de

Villiers who undertook the first edit of the chapters, this final product will

hopefully offer a meaningful contribution to a necessary debate.

Finally, I dedicate this humble intellectual contribution to the cause of

democracy, equality, freedom and human rights and to all those who take

personal risks to bring us closer to such goals.

Henning Melber

ix

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Acronyms

ANC African National Congress

BAC Basutoland African Congress

BCP Botswana Congress Party

BIDPA Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis

BNF Botswana National Front

BNP Basotho National Party

CKGR Central Kalahari Game Reserve

CoD Congress of Democrats

COSATU Congress of South African Trade Unions

CSI Civil Society Initiative

DTA Democratic Turnhalle Alliance

FNLA Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola

FRELIMO Frente de Libertação de Moçambique

GDRC Global Development Research Unit

GEAR Growth Employment and Redistribution

ILO International Labour Organisation

IMF International Monetary Fund

LCD Lesotho Congress of Democracy

LDF Lesotho Defence Force

LLA Lesotho Liberation Army

MDC Movement for Democratic Change

MDM Mass Democratic Movement

MFP Marematlou Freedom Party

MISA Media Institute of Southern Africa

MK Umkhonto We Sizwe

MMD Movement for Multi-Party Democracy

MPLA Movimento Popular da Libertação de Angola

MWT The Marxist Workers’ Tendency

x

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NAPWU Namibia Public Workers Union

NCA National Constitution Assembly

NDB The National Development Bank

NEC National Executive Committee

NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development

NGOs Non Governmental Organisations

NLMs National liberation movements

NNP New National Party

OAU Organisation of African Unity

OM Operation Mayibuye

PAC Pan African Congress

RC Revolutionary Council

RENAMO Resistência Nacional Moçambicana

SAAF South African Air Force

SACP South African Communist Party

SADC Southern African Development Community

SADF South African Defence Force

SANDF South African National Defence Force

Sapa South African Press Association

SAPs structural adjustment programmes

SHHA Self-Help Housing Association

SWAPO South West African Peoples Organisation

UDF United Democratic Front

UNCHS United Nations Centre for Human Settlements

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNECA United Nations Economic Commission for Africa

UNEP United Nations Environmental Programme

UNITA União Nacional para a Indepêndencia Total de Angola

UNTAG United Nations Transitional Assistance Group

ZANU Zimbabwe African National Union

ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front

ZAPU Zimbabwe African People’s Union

ZCTU Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions

ZIPRA Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army

ZUM Zimbabwe Unity Movement

xi

Acronyms

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Introduction

Henning Melber

During 2001, the Nordic Africa Institute (previously the Scandinavian Institute

of African Studies) initiated a research project around the theme “Liberation

and Democracy in Southern Africa”.1

A network of scholars from mainly

southern Africa was involved and a first consultative workshop was convened

in December 2001 in collaboration with the Centre for Conflict Resolution in

Cape Town.2

This provided a platform for an initial conceptualisation of the

issues which led, in turn, to a second gathering in Namibia in July 2002. With a

focus on “(Re-)Conceptualising Democracy and Liberation in Southern

Africa”, it was held in collaboration with the Namibia Institute for Democracy

and the Legal Assistance Centre as local civil society agencies.3

Most of the contributions to this volume are revised versions of papers

originally given at the Namibian meeting.4

They highlight political issues and

processes in parts of southern Africa since the end of white-minority and/or

colonial rule. Particular but not exclusive attention is paid to the post￾independence records of governance of the Namibian and Zimbabwean

liberation movements. Re-cast as political parties, they have since taking power

in their respective domains sought to gain predominance in both the political

arena, as well as within most, if not all, state and parastatal structures. In these

two areas they have largely prevailed while also securing a power of definition

in the political arena through the shaping or manipulation of public political

discourse to suit their ends.

This brings us to the core focus of this volume, namely, the contradiction

represented by the fact that the Namibian and Zimbabwean liberation

movements which spearheaded mass popular struggles for liberation from

colonial rule have, in power, developed into authoritarian and, to varying

degrees, corrupt ruling regimes. By contrast, countries like Botswana and

Lesotho which attained independence by negotiation and without mass

xiii

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mobilisation bear all the features of being multi-party democracies. Why this is

so is a concern of the contributors to this volume. Why, some of its authors

enquire, have the South West African Peoples Organisation (SWAPO) and

Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in power not displayed a

consistent commitment to democratic principles and/or practices? In

particular, they examine why these movements have deviated from their

originally-declared democratic aims as well as largely abandoning their

once-sacrosanct goal of socio-economic transformation aimed at reducing

inherited imbalances in the distribution of wealth.

In examining these issues, the contributors probed beyond the myths and

legends which have long surrounded southern Africa’s liberation movements

to take on board the fact that while these organisations were waging war on

systems of institutionalised injustice, they did not themselves always display a

sensitivity to human rights issues and democratic values. Nor did it prevent

them from falling prey to authoritarian patterns of rule and undemocratic (as

well as sometimes violent) practices towards real or imagined dissidents within

their ranks.

Time and new data has also revealed that even the popular support for the

struggle expressed by local groups was at times based more on coercion and the

manipulation of internal contradictions among the colonised than on genuine

resistance to the colonial state. Norma Kriger (1992) argues as much in

reference to Zimbabwe while Lauren Dobell (1998) and Colin Leys and John

Saul (1995) have exposed the level and degree of SWAPO’s internal repression

during its exile years. Some of these anti-democratic tendencies are detectable

of late in South Africa. A recent study suggests a high degree of political

intolerance among South Africans who, it seems, dislike political enemies a

great deal and perceive them as threatening. As a result, the combination of

dislike and threat “is a powerful source of political intolerance” (Gibson and

Gouws 2003:71).

An argument presented in this volume is that the political change which has

occurred in those southern African societies shaped by settler colonialism, can

be characterised as a transition from controlled change to changed control.

What this means is that a new political elite has ascended the commanding

heights and, employing selective narratives and memories relating to their

liberation wars, has constructed or invented a new set of traditions to establish

an exclusive post-colonial legitimacy under the sole authority of one particular

xiv

LIMITS TO LIBERATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

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agency of social forces (see Kriger 1995 and Werbner 1998b for Zimbabwe;

Melber 2003a for Namibia). Mystification of the liberators has played an

essential role in this fabrication. As Werbner (1998a: 2) has noted: “The

critique of power in contemporary Africa calls for a theoretically informed

anthropology of memory and the making of political subjectivities. The need is

to rethink our understanding of the force of memory, its official and unofficial

forms, its moves between the personal and the social in post-colonial

transformation”.

What these elites have also done is develop militant notions of inclusion or

exclusion as key factors in shaping their post-colonial national identities. Early

post-independence notions of national reconciliation and slogans like “unity in

diversity” have given way to a politically-correct identity form defined by those

in power along narrow “we-they” or “with-us-against-us” lines. Simultaneously,

the boundaries between party and government have been blurred and replaced

by a growing equation of party and government. Opposition or dissent has

come increasingly to be considered as hostile and the dissenter sometimes

branded an “enemy of the people”. In a recent University of Amsterdam

doctoral thesis on the violent campaign waged by the Mugabe government on

Matabeleland in the immediate years after independence, K.P. Yap (2001:

312–13) argued that:

whilst power relations [in Zimbabwe] had changed, perceptions of

power had not changed. The layers of understanding regarding

power relations, framed by socialisation and memory, continued to

operate. … actors had changed, however, the way in which the new

actors executed power in relation to opposition had not, as their

mental framework remained in the colonial setting. Patterns

from colonial rule of “citizens” ruling the “subjects” were repeated

and reproduced.

Coinciding with this tendency towards autocratic rule and the subordination of

the state to the party, a reward system of social and material favours in return

for loyalty has emerged. Self-enrichment by way of a system of rent-or

sinecure-capitalism has become the order of the day. The term “national

interest” has been appropriated and now means solely what the post-colonial

ruling elite decides it means. It is used “to justify all kinds of authoritarian

practice” while the term “anti-national” or “unpatriotic” is applied to any

group that resists the power of the ruling elite of the day (Harrison 2001: 391).

xv

INTRODUCTION

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