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A review of alcohol consumption and alcohol control policies
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Mô tả chi tiết
A review of alcohol consumption
and alcohol control policies
James J. Fogarty
ACIL Tasman, West Perth, Australia and
Business School, University of Western Australia, West Perth, Australia
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to present a review of the literature on alcohol consumption,
the externality cost of alcohol consumption, and the effectiveness of policy options.
Design/methodology/approach – Evidence on the cost to society of alcohol consumption, the
amount of excise tax collected, the demand response of consumers, and the effectiveness of
alcohol-control policies is reviewed.
Findings – Alcohol excise taxes generally, but not everywhere, fail to recover the externality costs
placed on society that arise from alcohol consumption. Where externality costs are greater than excise
revenue higher excise taxes are one effective and appropriate policy response. Complementary policies
to higher excise taxes are likely to include: the provision of more information about harmful effects to
consumers, especially the young; greater enforcement of drunk-driving laws and zero tolerance
drunk-driving laws for young drivers. Restrictions on the opening hours of late night venues may have
a modest impact on reducing costs, while advertising restrictions are unlikely to be effective.
Originality/value – Typically. articles on alcohol consider a single issue. This review paper brings
together information from both the health stream of alcohol studies and the economics stream of
alcohol studies and provides a useful survey and synthesis of the literature.
Keywords Alcoholic drinks, Consumption, Supply and demand
Paper type Literature review
1. Introduction
Alcohol consumption, from beer, to wine, and on to distilled sprits, has long been part
of human life. It is for example thought that by about 3000 BC Egyptian wine making
skills were well developed (Clark and Rand, 2001, p. 8). Recently, alcohol consumption
is widespread, and there are, according to World Health Organisation (WHO)
estimates, some 2 billion alcohol consumers. Although the amount spent on alcoholic
beverages varies significantly, both between and within countries, Selvanathan and
Selvanathan (2005, p. 209) report that on average the people of the world devote
approximately 3.2 percent of their income to alcohol.
The positive health effects of modest alcohol consumption – especially red wine
consumption – have in recent years been widely reported. Yet, high levels of alcohol
consumption, and in particular binge drinking, are associated with a range of negative
health and social outcomes. For example, the WHO (2004, pp. 50-1) estimated that in
2000, 4 percent of all disability adjusted life years lost could be attributed to alcohol.
More generally, heavy alcohol consumption is associated with elevated health and
accident risk, and a range of undesirable social outcomes. High levels of alcohol
consumption, or binge drinking, may therefore result in significant additional costs to
government via the health, legal, and social security systems.
The most appropriate mix of alcohol-control policies will depend on the nature of
the problem. If the externality costs associated with alcohol consumption are largely
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/1755-4217.htm
WHATT
1,2
110
Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism
Themes
Vol. 1 No. 2, 2009
pp. 110-132
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1755-4217
DOI 10.1108/17554210910962503
confined to heavy drinkers, and such drinkers are unresponsive to price changes,
excise tax increases would not be an appropriate policy response. Instead, policies
based around education and information would be most effective. If most of the
externality cost associated with alcohol consumption is associated with road trauma
then it may be that more rigorous enforcement of drunk-driving laws, and more severe
drunk-driving penalties would be an effective policy approach. If demand is sensitive
to advertising, restrictions on advertising may be an effective policy. If much of the
cost is associated with patrons leaving late night venues then it may be that policies
targeting such venues will be effective.
The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. Section 2 sets out an economic
model of consumption and provides a rationale for government policy action. Section 3
presents details on alcohol consumption patterns, the externality costs associated with
alcohol consumption, and the amount of excise revenue collected from alcohol taxes in
different countries. Section 4 reviews the evidence regarding the effectiveness of
different policy approaches, and concluding comments are presented in Section 5.
2. An economic model of alcohol consumption
Before discussing policy relating to alcohol consumption it is necessary to be clear
about the framework that supports the assessments made. Economic studies of alcohol
consumption, starting with the work of Stone (1945), began by treating alcoholic
beverages as ordinary commodities. With such an approach, the implied demand
equation for a particular beverage depends on prices, income, and consumer
preferences. The approach recognised that the full price of alcohol could involve more
than just the immediate money price, but did not recognise the possibility for past
consumption to impact on current consumption decisions. Approaches that recognise
the potential for past consumption of alcohol to impact current alcohol consumption
decisions were then developed. These approaches are now generally referred to in the
literature as myopic addiction models.
Myopic addiction models involve the estimation of demand equations where the
consumption decision depends not only on prices, income, and consumer tastes, but
also on past consumption of alcoholic beverages. The next evolution in the economic
approach involved the introduction of the Becker and Murphy (1988) hypothesis of
rational addiction. Although the title of the hypotheses remains controversial, the
demand equations that arise under the rational addiction hypothesise say that current
consumption depends on prices, income, consumer tastes, past consumption, and
future consumption.
In effect the rational addiction hypothesis says that alcohol consumption in the past,
current alcohol consumption, and future alcohol consumption are all complements in
consumption. It is the linking of consumption through time, rather than an exclusive
focus on past consumption, that distinguished the rational addiction approach from
earlier addiction models. To illustrate the implications of the assumption, consider the
following scenario. Let the government announce an excise tax increase for alcoholic
beverages of 10 percent effective immediately, and a further increase in alcohol excise
taxes of 10 percent in 12 months. The increase in current prices will lower alcohol
consumption today and higher future prices will lower future alcohol consumption.
Under the rational addiction hypothesis future consumption and current consumption
are complements. As such, knowing today that there will be higher prices in the
Review of
alcohol
consumption
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