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Theoretical approaches to colontal Vietnam : A modified model of revolution
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THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO COLONIAL VIETNAM
THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO COLONIAL VIETNAM:
A MODIFIED MODEL OF REVOLUTION
By
ROBERT SCOTT EVANS. B.A.
A Thesis
Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree
Master of Arts
McMaster University
September 1986
McMAW:EIi UNiVERlilTY llSSA&
MASTER OF ARTS (1986)
(Political Science)
McMASTER UNIVERSITY
Hamilton, Ontario
TITLE: Theoretical Approaches to Colonial vietnam:
A Modified Model of Revolution
AUTHOR: Robert Scott Evans, B.A. (University of Alberta)
SUPERVISOR: Professor Michael stein
NUMBER OF PAGES: vi, 344
ii
ABSTRACT
The principal focus of this thesis is the examination
of revolutionary processes in colonial vietnam from a
theoretical perspective. This involves the critical
assessment of the predominant universal or holistic
approaches to revolution and the analysis of subtheoretical
models of revolution that have been applied to colonial
Vietnam. The critique of these conceptual frameworks is
examined in the context of the historical development of the
Vietnamese revolution. This is follow,ed by an attempt to
merge the salient components of two models providing
conceptual tools that offer a more convincing explanation of
the Vietnamese revolution in its colonial context. This
includes three components. First, the world-histor ical and
international dimension of Theda Skocpol's socio-historical
approach, which permits a more focused emphasis on the
development and nature of the revolutionary movement and the
important factors affecting the emergence of revolutionary
si tuations. Second, Char les Tilly's group conflict model
adds another important theoretical component by emphasizing
the attributes and relationships of revolutionary groups
that influence the degree to which revolutionary situations
may be exploited. Finally, the concept of ideology and its
role in revolutionary process is included in both
theoretical frameworks. The combination of the sociohistorical and group conflict approaches, with the inclusion
of an ideological dimension, is applied to colonial Vietnam
and attempts to demonstrate the potential explanatory
capacity of this form of syncretic model building.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
As with any study, there are numerous individuals that
have influenced the nature and course of this thesis.
However, a number deserve to be singled out. I would like
to express my appreciation to Dr. Stein for his helpful
criticisms, willingness to read drafts on short notice, and
his thoughtful consideration of the problem of merging
theory and history. Also, I must thank Dr. Goldstein and my
fellow graduate students for always being willing sounding
boards and a perpetual and exciting source of constructive
disagreement. However, I give my gr.eatest thanks to my
dearest friend and companion, Sarah, who endured the
frustrations and pressures of this thesis, bore a wonderful
son, and always provided the support and encouragement I
needed to complete each chapter. To her I dedicate this
effort, for she sacrificed as much as I.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT .................................................................................... iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................... i V
Chapter
I.
II.
III.
IV.
INTRODUCTION .......... u .............................. ..
Introduction
Structural-Functional Model
The Frustration-Aggression Model
Marxist Model of Revolution
Historical Sociology perspective
Ideology
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS
1
IN COLONIAL VIETNAM .............................. 61
Introduction
Prerevolutionary Phase
Transitional Phase
Revolutionary Phase
SUBTHEORETICAL APPROACHES
TO COLONIAL VIETNAM •.••.•••••..... 107
Introduction
Tradi tional Sociologica.l Approach
Moral Economy Approach
Structural Approach
Public Choice Approach
Critique of Traditional Sociological
Approach
Critique of Moral Economy Approach
critique of Structural .!'o.pproach
Critique of Public Choice Approach Conclusion
SOCIa-HISTORICAL MODEL ••••.••..... 155
Introduction
Part One: The International Context of
Early Structural Developments
Part Two: The Socio-Economic and Political
Transformation of Colonial Vietnam
Part Three: The Emergence of the
Revolutionary Situation
Conclusion
v
v. GROUP CONFLICT APPROACH .••...•.••.•.••• 237
VI.
Introduction
Part One: Tilly's General Group
Conflict Model
Part Two: Group Conflict and Colonial
Vietnam
Conclusion
CONCLUSION ............................. Summary
Conclusion
316
........................................................
BIBLIOGRAPHY ......... .o. ................ "................ 331
vi
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Introduction
The study of revolution has been the focus of numerous
scholarly studies and debates. This is understandable given the
historical importance of revolutions and their impact on the
transformation of social and political institutions. Despite the rich
abundance of historical and theoretical literature on revolution, the
study of thi s phenomenon is st ill pervaded by confl; ct i ng mode Is and
disagreement over the fundamental nature and determinant variables of
the revolutionary process. l This thesis does not pretend to resolve
the many issues confronting the study of revolution, but it does attempt
to analyze some of the predominant theoretical approaches and formulate
a composite model that improves upon current explanations of revolution
in colonial Vietnam.
Many of the current models of revolution in the social sciences
have their theoretical roots in the sociological approaches of general
systems theory (structural-functionalism), socio-psychological
frameworks (frustration-aggression), and Marxist/Neo-Marxist conflict
analysis. 2 These general theories provide the basic theoretical
framework for many of the more specific or subthel)retical models which,
in one form or another, have been used to explain the revolutionary
process in colonial Vietnam. These subtheoretical or middle-range
1
theories, as they apply to colonial Vietnam, range from Mus'and
McAlister's use of General Systems and Social Psychological frameworks
to the Neo-Marxist influence on Paige's structuralist model and the
approaches of the Moral Economists. Many of these studies have offered
interesting, and often enlightening explanations of the factors
influencing the Vietnamese revolution. None, however, have provided a
comprehensive analysis that examines the crucial role of international
developments and how they influenced the development and outcome of the
Vietnamese revolution. Nor has any of the models explained the factors
contributing to the success of the Communists, or how this group was
able to control the revolutionary movement at the expense of other
revolutionary groups. These are crucial components that cannot be
neglected if one is to explain the revolutionary process in Vietnam.
While these models often implicitly acknowledge the role of
international developments and group conflict, these variables are not
developed or integrated into the various subtheoretical explanations of
the revolutionary process in colonial Vietnam. The approaches of
Skocpol and Tilly provide a theoretical framework that incorporates
these variables.
While it is beyond the scope of this thesis to attempt an
exacting formulation of an alternative model, the latest theoretical
developments in Historical Sociology have provided new frameworks
involving a more comprehensive analysis of revolutionary processes. 3
Unlike many of their predecessors, these approaches demand historical
precision and a broad holistic perspective. 4 This thesis attempts to
merge, conceptually, the explanatory frameworks of two historical
2
sociological models that are particularly relevant to the study of
revolution. Theda Skocpol's socio-historical approach and Charles
Tilly's group conflict analysis. 5 While a detol.iled historical analysis
in the context of either approach is beyond the scope of this study.
this thesis argues that the predominant theoretical approaches analyzing
the revolution in colonial Vietnam are unsatisfactory; and. that merging
the most salient features of Skocpol's and Tilly's models offers a more
powerful basis for explaining the process of revolution in Vietnam.
The thesis is divided into five chapter·s. Chapter One examines
general theories of revolution and indicates why the Historical
Sociology approach of Tilly and Skocpol are sup(~rior to the other
general models. There is also a discussion of 'Ideology which is later
integrated into the model of revolution developed in this thesis.
Chapter Two provides a general historical outline of the various periods
and stages relevant to the Vietnamese revolution. This avoids
unnecessary repetition as different theoretical approaches are
discussed. Also. this permits a more systematic focus on the
theoretical dimension of the revolutionary process in the later
chapters. as well as the relationship between theory and historical
evidence.
Chapter Three examines the predominant theoretical approaches
directly applied to colonial Vietnam. This includes models that while
drawing their fundamental assumptions from differ'ent general models.
analyze factors specific to peasant societies. These models are
subtheoretical because they generate explanations for specific and
conditional situations rather than formulating universal or holistic
3
approaches such as the General Systems, Social Psychological, and
Marxist/Neo-Marxist models discussed in this chapter. This does not
mean that these models are without value. They do highlight different
processes that influence the revolutionary process. But, such models do
not account for the impact of international and group developments, both
of which I argue are crucial variables in the revolutionary process.
Chapters Four and Five offer an alternative model that is more
holistic than the frameworks discussed in Chapter Three. This holistic
component is important because, unlike the subthl~oretical models, it
places the Vietnamese revolution in a world context and examines the
factors permitting revolutionary groups to exploit or adapt to changing
circumstances. Chapter Four applies the major components of Skocpol's
model and its modifications to colonial Vietnam. It is divided into
three main sections: 1) the international context of early structural
and ideological developments; 2) the socio-economic transformation of
Vietnam: 3) the transnational relations weakening the colonial regime's
hegemonic rule. Parts one and three are relatively new components that
are neglected by both the general theories and the subtheoretical
models. While all the subtheoretical models in Chapter Three include
socio-economic transformations and in some cases class analysis, part
two incorporates a political dimension by examining taxation,
landownership patterns, and administrative and political institutions as
indicators of the changing political relationship between the state and
various groups and classes in Vietnamese society. This provides some
understanding of the degree to which revolutionary groups can organize
support in different sectors of society, as well as the nature of that
4
support. It is this emphasis on the political component of socioeconomic and institutional changes that differentiates Skocpol from her
subtheoretical counterparts.
Chapter Five applies Tilly's group conflict model to the
colonial situation. This is the important second half of the
alternative model of revolution proposed in this thesis. It follows the
analysis using Skocpol's model because it focuses on the factors that
contribute to a group's revolutionary capacity. In other words, this
chapter examines the characteristics that permit some groups to rebuild
after periods of effective colonial repression, to compete with other
revolutionary groups for control of the movement. and finally, to
exploit the weaknesses of the regime when it is undergoing the politcomilitary crises examined in Chapter Four.
Before discussing Skocpol and Tilly, it is necessary to provide
a general overview of the various general theoretical approaches to
revolution and examine the reasons why they offer' inadequate
explanations of the revolutionary process. The e!arliest models of
revolution in the social science tradition, while attempting to find
consistent patterns within historical events, were limited by the
absence of any "broad theoretical perspective".6 During this period,
theoretical models were influenced by the Natural History approach.
This required that historical experiences be divided into stages or a
sequence of events. In the search for a standard or universal sequence,
many scholars likened the process of revolution to organic processes.
5
For example, Crane Brinton described revolution as a fever which passed
through various stages in an attempt to destroy "wicked people and
harmful and useless institutions." 7
While Brinton's study differs from oth!!r natural history models
in its recognition of the state and its vulnerability during the
emergence of revolutionary situations, Brinton follows the emphasis of
his contemporaries. Focusing on the role of revolutionaries and uniform
patterns increaSing popular discontent with the ruling state, Brinton's
analysis obfuscates and neglects the role of international and domestic
factors weakening the state's capacity to control its primary means of
coercion. Simil arly, this approach minimizes the importance of
struggles between various revolutionary factions and political groups,
the function of coalitions, and the problem of gaining control of the
prinCipal political institutions and changing the dominant socioeconomic and political structures. 8
Various attempts to remedy the theoretical problems inherent in
the natural history models led theorists to formulate models focusing on
"revolutionary states of mind" within a social context. The varying
perspectives of this approach to revolution range! from socialpsychological frameworks to general systems theor'izing. The behavioral
orientation of these perspectives emphaSizes the analysis of certain
preconditions and preCipitant variables which act as major determinants
affecting forms of behavior and increasing the likelihood of
revolution. 9 Whether it is the aggregate of individual motivation,
structural i nfl uences upon co llecti ve behavior, Oir the response of the
6
general system as a social organism, each model reflects a causal
pattern where a stimulus threatening social equilibrium determines the
nature of responses. IO
The most extreme response within the stimulus-response spectrum
is revolution, where social-psychological tension or systemic
dysfunction is so prevalent that a return to an equilibrium is not
possible through the "normal" process of adaptation and gradual change.
In many respects this is similar to the "hydraulic model" rejected by
Charles Tilly, where tension-related external factors are left
unresolved and thereby create mounting internal pressures (these may be
systemic or psychological by nature), which eventually result in some
form of pressure release mechanism, (ie. revolution).Il This concept
implies that when certain conditions ensure the creation of pressure
there is a proportional increase in compression, and if the pressure
creating conditions prevail, the individual or system will surpass the
compression threshold thereby activating a pressure release mechanism.
In this case, revolution becomes the pressure release mechanism. Using
a system of causal sequencing that designates revolution as an extreme
outcome, the behaviour-oriented models place primary emphasis upon the
initial phases of subjective response to objective stimulus as
predictive indicators of behavioural outcomes. Revolution becomes an
anomalous response to stimulus that threatens the presumed positive
orientation of society and individuals towards equilibrium.
The two major representatives of this behaviour-oriented
approach to revolution are Chalmers Johnson and Ted R. Gurr. While
there are numerous theorists that represent different variations in this
7