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The Global Cultural Capital
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The Global Cultural Capital

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Mô tả chi tiết

The Contemporary City

Series Editors

Ray Forrest

Lingnan University

Hong Kong

Richard Ronald

University of Amsterdam

Amsterdam, The Netherlands

In recent decades cities have been variously impacted by neoliberalism,

economic crises, climate change, industrialization and post-industrializa￾tion and widening inequalities. So what is it like to live in these contem￾porary cities? What are the key drivers shaping cities and neighborhoods?

To what extent are people being bound together or driven apart? How do

these factors vary cross-culturally and cross nationally? This book series

aims to explore the various aspects of the contemporary urban experience

from a firmly interdisciplinary and international perspective. With editors

based in Amsterdam and Hong Kong, the series is drawn on an axis

between old and new cities in the West and East.

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14446

Mari Paz Balibrea

The Global Cultural

Capital

Addressing the Citizen and Producing the City

in Barcelona

Mari Paz Balibrea

Cultures and Languages

Birkbeck, University of London

London, United Kingdom

All quotes originally in Spanish and Catalan are provided in translation and were

translated by Mari Paz Balibrea Enriquez

The Contemporary City

ISBN 978-1-137-53595-5 ISBN 978-1-137-53596-2 (eBook)

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-53596-2

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017935425

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017

The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in

accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the

Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of

translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on

microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and

retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology

now known or hereafter developed.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this

publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are

exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.

The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information

in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the

publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to

the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The

publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu￾tional affiliations.

Cover illustration: Yury Zap / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd.

The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United

Kingdom

To my parents, in memoriam: Barcelonian lives without cultural

capital

CONTENTS

1 Introduction: Still Paying Homage to Barcelona 1

Part I In Theory: The Subject of Culture

2 Theorizing Culture in the Creative City 13

Part II Taming the Political Citizen

3 Stories We Live By: ... and the Games Created the City 45

4 Culture Is to the Social Materialization of Democracy

as the Critical Subject Is to Democratic Citizenship 53

5 Building Participatory Measures 77

Part III The Olympic Framework

6 Preamble 103

7 Working for the City Image: Municipal Publicity

Campaigns Redefining the Preferred Barcelona Subject 107

vii

8 Exercising Democratic Citizenship: Sport

in the Run-Up to the Olympics 129

9 Rethinking Barcelona’92 as a Cultural Milestone 147

10 Olympic Volunteers: Rise of the Super-Citizen 163

Part IV Back to Work: Governing the Creative City

11 Volunteers Unbound 181

12 New Regimes of Government 191

13 Masterminds of Culture 203

Part V Be Yourself Out There: Inhabiting Barcelona

for the Global Market

14 Capital Subjects: Redefining Capitality in Global Films

on Barcelona 217

15 Barça in the New Millennium: The Other

Barcelona Model 235

Bibliography 273

Index 297

viii CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 4.1 “Cambia tu ciudad con los socialistas” (Change your city with

the socialists) 1979 Electoral campaign poster (PSOE, José

Ramón Sánchez) 70

Fig. 7.1 “Barcelona més que mai” (Barcelona more than ever before)

logo (Ajuntament de Barcelona) 109

Fig. 7.2 “Barcelona ’92” logo (COOB’92 S.A., 1988) 110

ix

CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Still Paying Homage

to Barcelona

Is there anything new remaining to be said about Barcelona? The city’s

international prestige is nowadays indisputable. It has become a common￾place in the European Cities Monitor – which lists the top European cities

for business expansion according to the opinion of senior executives from

leading businesses – to find Barcelona at the top of that list (Cushman and

Wakefield 2010) in the quality of life category.1 Equally, its stature as a

tourist destination does not even require an argument. Desiring Barcelona

comes for the potential visitor as naturally as breathing, its status endlessly

validated by armies of preceding tourists left in awe by its charms. In more

specialized circles, the ones this book now joins, saturation takes different

forms. Barcelona’s transformation in the post-Francoist period is widely

considered among architects, urban planners, and local politicians around

the world, as a model because of its perceived ability to reconcile economic

restructuring with spatial regeneration and the widening of the citizens’

right to the city (McNeill 1999; Kirby 2004; Marshall 2004a; Busquets

2005: 345–445).2 As such, the Barcelona case has been widely studied in

academic contexts and emulated across the world by policymakers and

other local institutional agents (González 2011). But no less abundant

have been the critical accounts of this transformation as the end of pro￾gressive urban life and the silencing of democratic voices at the service of

global capital.

In joining such a crowded scene, this book pays, once again, homage to

the exceptional Barcelona case and claims to illuminate previously untold

© The Author(s) 2017

M.P. Balibrea, The Global Cultural Capital, The Contemporary City,

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-53596-2_1

1

perspectives for its complex understanding. Thanks to previous studies,

our work does not need to explore in detail the ideological implications of

the so-called “Barcelona model,” but in another sense will go into much

more detail than any previous works on the scrutiny of institutional and

official political discourses, particularly those concerning culture. It has

also become a common-place to include Barcelona among the creative

cities and to accept as a given its use of culture for urban regeneration.

This book, rather than taking these statements for granted, investigates in

much more depth than has been the case so far the genealogy of cultural

discourses in Barcelona’s post-Francoist democratic municipalities up to

the end of the millennium. Its purpose is to identify, trace and make sense

of a transformation in the uses of culture, from being the terrain where

democracy materializes, to constituting the central economic asset of the

Barcelona brand. Furthermore, such an exploration is informed by a

theoretical preoccupation with the relation of subjects to power as

mediated by culture. Even more, this book proposes to consider Barcelona

as a privileged case study to understand how such relations are articulated.

After all, Barcelona’s local institutions were pioneers in becoming aware of

the close relationship between culture and the social and economic devel￾opment of the city, and subsequently in implementing a new paradigm in

cultural policy for entrepreneurial creative cities (Rodríguez Morató 2005,

2008). It is within this new paradigm that, for local powers, a new con￾ceptualization, not only of culture but also of the local residents would

become indispensable. The analysis of local government documents and

their organized events and products shows how they constructed and

disseminated ideas of and for the local population, the purpose of which

was to influence this population’s concept of itself and of its contribution

to the beneficial functioning and prosperity of life in the city. The

Barcelona case, therefore, provides in this book the basis for a theorization

of citizenship and cultural transformation, by arguing that the economic

and political logic of the creative city, with its ties to culture, is a key

paradigm for understanding how citizenship is defined in the neoliberal

urban context. This is different from the better-known framework of

identity used to discuss local citizenship in Barcelona and beyond. In

relation to cities, identity has been developed in greatly over the past

twenty years around issues of branding (Anholt 2007), that is, of the

need and desirability for local institutions to consciously produce a cohe￾sive and attractive corporate identity for their cities that allows them to

compete successfully in the global market. From the viewpoint of their

2 1 INTRODUCTION: STILL PAYING HOMAGE TO BARCELONA

focus on identity, these studies take whole cities as their units of analysis,

and not only the ways in which citizens are incorporated into the brand.

Analogously, the turning of Barcelona into a global tourist brand as a

corollary to its exemplary transformation has attracted the attention of a

large number of scholars, either to praise or to criticize it (among the most

salient are: M. Delgado 2005, 2007; Etxezarreta et al. 1996; Marshall

2004a; McNeill 1999; Monclús 2003; Roca 1994; Vázquez Montalbán

1987). These studies, coming from human geographers, urban planners,

anthropologists, and intellectuals more generally, focus on the redefini￾tion of a place, and particular perspectives have attracted more attention,

such as public spaces, in the work of M. Delgado or Degen, or architec￾ture, in the work of Montaner and Muxí. References to how citizenship is

affected in this redefinition are frequent, signaling its importance, but not

systematic. This book takes a closer, more structured look at the relation￾ship between the municipality and the local citizen. In so doing it revisits

the concepts and ideologies of consensus and participation, and pursues

their evolution from the pre- to the post-Olympic turning point. Our

argument seeks to make sense of the ways in which the Barcelona munici￾pality, through its cultural discourses, established the terms of public

participation, how it invoked them, starting by connecting them with

ideas of critical citizenship coming from the anti-Francoist grassroots

movements, and pursuing the evolution of such ideas toward subsump￾tion and consent.

The “cultural capital” of the title necessarily invokes Pierre Bourdieu’s

critique of it as a structural social axis of inequality, different amounts of

which individuals are invested with according to their class position.3 My

work does not deny the relevance of the concept so understood, or that

class inequalities continue to manifest themselves through culture in

Barcelona, via distinction and otherwise; in fact it considers itself to be

fully compatible with it. But my use of cultural capital puts a different

emphasis on the coming together in the subject of culture and capital that

shifts the focus to a Foucauldian, biopolitical approach to it. What I

mean to convey with my play on words is the advent of a qualitatively

different role for culture in postindustrial Barcelona, as an economic and

social discourse giving reason and meaning to the city through the pro￾duction of a particular way of life, and therefore needing to involve all

citizens in the everyday production of itself as a cultural city. Which

explains why cultural policy documents are key to this book. Dominant

institutional discourses in postindustrial Barcelona will evolve to have

INTRODUCTION: STILL PAYING HOMAGE TO BARCELONA 3

culture at the core of the work they do to define and govern local

identity – “Barcelonianness” – because the survival of the Barcelona

image/brand, of which local people are an indispensable part, is what

sustains the city’s economy, and therefore the commodity that needs to

be produced and distributed, not only consumed in culture. The notion of

capitality certainly invokes Barcelona’s historical status as capital of the

Catalonian nation without a state, and in addition the many disputes

around its metropolitan centrality with respect to Spain. As capital of the

Catalan nation and claimant of a de facto Spanish co-capitality with

Madrid, democratic-era Barcelona has been the object of intense disputes

over the meaning of its geopolitical and symbolic belonging within

Catalonia, Spain, and Europe, a political debate with a large presence in

the cultural arena. Studies on collective identity involving Barcelona

have traditionally been framed by questions of (anti)nationalism and

Catalanism which address the importance of Barcelona as capital, and

the historical and political role of culture in its modern formation. But

our notion of capitality refers in the main, in the global market of cities

that Barcelona enters in the postindustrial moment, to the need to pro￾duce the city’s own qualitative advantage, uniqueness and unmatched

prominence without which it will not be able to sell and compete. I

claim that the manufacturing of such an advantage also endows

Barcelona with a form of fully monetarizable capitality, one which resi￾dents are supposed to own, and ceaselessly produce and reproduce. In that

sense, this book considers how culture, in the hands of local power,

contributed to the creation of a preferred citizen of Barcelona, not against

the horizon of Catalonia or Spain alone, but of the world as a whole.

Along with the transformation of the city’s image, soon to become a

brand, which would accompany socio-economic shifts and help differenti￾ate Barcelona in the global market of cities, what changed too was the kind

of preferred citizen that the new situation generated, the city dweller

populating the global brand that Barcelona became.

SPORT AS CULTURE AND IDEOLOGY

Underlining the intersections of sport with culture will provide us with

valuable insights to our argument on citizens address. In the first instance,

its importance stems from the part that sport plays in conceptualizing an

improved society and citizens via the promotion of what are perceived as

highly esteemed cultural, physical, and moral values to be extended to the

4 1 INTRODUCTION: STILL PAYING HOMAGE TO BARCELONA

entire society. Cozens and Stumpf (1953) (1, quoted by Daniels 1966:

154) argue the anthropological common base shared by sports with widely

accepted artistic forms via their connection to play and leisure, a view that

can be found in the father of modern Olympism, the Marquis de

Coubertin. For structuralist anthropologists, the practice of sport implies

basic universal cultural, and even moral, values of socialization, function￾ing through a system of signs, of symbolic interactions such as victory and

defeat, force and weakness (Krawczyk 1980: 13), cooperation and fair play

(Lüschen 1967: 137), and the motivation to achieve, be it individual or

collective (Lüschen 1967: 133–134, 136). That being said, any discussion

of the relation of sport to culture is framed by their place in the particular

social circumstances (Lüschen 1967: 130). At the level of policy and

disciplinary recognition, the connection of sport to culture via their social

relevance is one characteristically made by the welfare state during the

period of growth and stability that followed the recovery of Western

economies at the end of World War II (Daniels 1966: 153), when both

become tools of social policy. The UNESCO-sponsored 1959 Helsinki

conference on Sport, Work, Culture defines sport as “an integral part of

modern culture ... [which] has important tasks to fulfil in education. Its

influence is not limited to sports fields but extends to many realms in the

modern, rapidly developing, world” (12, quoted in Daniels 1966: 157). It

is not surprising, then, to find sports mentioned as part of collective

democratic aspirations, as we will have an opportunity to see for the

Catalan case, in fact well before the postwar period, as well as in the late￾Francoist one.4 Moreover, sports in the twentieth century, or perhaps

more specifically the spectacle of sport, became a major area of popular

culture, along with fashion, TV, films, and advertising. For cultural critics,

sports, both practicing and watching them, are part of a common shared

culture, instantiating forms of expression and value systems capable of

incorporating the most disadvantaged citizens in the community. As

such, sports are easy vehicles of identity formation and integration, as we

will have an opportunity to study with regard to F.C. Barcelona. In

addition, such identity often invokes a kind of territorial allegiance (i.e.,

patriotism) that governments might try to use to their advantage by

associating people’s active sporting endorsement as a surrogate for parti￾cipation on behalf of or in unison with the state (Houlihan 1997: 120–

121) or local government, as was the case with organizing the Olympic

Games for Barcelona. Finally, amalgamations of sports and the arts in

cultural policy as part of urban strategies are frequent nowadays, thanks

SPORT AS CULTURE AND IDEOLOGY 5

to sport’s ability to produce urban identity, evidence of participation in

communal culture and of turning sport arenas into city tourist landmarks.

All of which provides sport with considerable power to forge broadly based

support for spatial regeneration, Olympic Barcelona being an unsurpassable

example of this. In sum, sport is at a crossroad of cultural, political, social,

and urban discourses, and it is within that complexity that its role illuminates

the topics discussed in this book. In the discourse of grassroots movements

as well as political parties of the left in the 1970s, sport played an important

role as a trigger of the desired new democratic citizen. Sport joined cultural

concerns in the political call to make their significance extend to social

matters. Within the framework of what we can call a humanistic agenda,

the arts and sport were conceptualized as moving the democratic agenda

forward by promoting the fulfillment of every Barcelonian’s human capabil￾ities, not only those of the privileged upper classes. At the beginning of the

democratic period, culture and sport were united by their capability to

produce active, participatory, healthy, democratic citizens, and civic com￾munities. The practice of sport was a form of popular culture that the local

powers used to gather support, and to cement together all the other cultural

forms. In addition, crucially for our argument, the local government decisive

action on sports helped to de-emphasize the political component of citizen￾ship that had characterized the materialization of democratic citizenship in

anti-Francoist struggles of the late dictatorship. Sport made promoting

expressions of solidarity that were akin to democratic values compatible

with the competitiveness characteristic of neoliberal times; the stimulation

of a participation and shared governance conduct with one of passive

spectatorship and voluntary service culminating in the Olympic Games.

This epitome of competitive sport provides a logic of performance/pleasure

that structures neoliberal subjectivity around two basic ideas: self-improve￾ment and the overcoming of barriers (Dardot and Laval 2013: 282), and

which we will see confirmed in our analysis of F.C. Barcelona as a global

brand.

STRUCTURE OF THE WORK

Part I provides the theoretical framework for an argument on the centrality

of creative cities to frame and condition discourses – particularly cultural

ones – on citizenship in the transition from social democracy to neoliberal￾ism. Part II focuses on the period framed by the coming to power of

democratic municipalities in 1979 and the celebration of the Olympic

6 1 INTRODUCTION: STILL PAYING HOMAGE TO BARCELONA

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