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Race, place and the seaside
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RACE,
PLACE
AND THE
SEASIDE
DANIEL BURDSEY
POSTCARDS FROM THE EDGE
i
Endorsements
“Burdsey masterfully excavates the seaside as a sociological site. His
engrossing study of racialisation reveals fl uidity and complexity in the
ways people identify with, are included in, and excluded from English
seaside space.”—Steve Garner, Birmingham City University, UK.
“Burdsey’s book off ers us grounded sociology in the best sense. It
engages with such cultural beliefs and contests the racialisations embedded within them; he off ers up instead a social justice critique through his
model of ‘coastal liquidity’. Burdsey demonstrates how the seaside can be
a place for new voices, and new values. An intelligent and ethical book
of interest to all cultural geographers, and those interested in thinking
through the pervasive and everyday incarnation of ‘race’.”—Sally Munt,
University of Sussex, UK.
“Burdsey takes us through a compelling, conceptually and empirically
rich sociology, of why the seaside—a local, global, imagined, material,
contested, inviting, dangerous, pleasurable, violent and lovely edgeland—
is a place where race gets practiced and projected and where belonging
and attachment are enacted. Burdsey deftly reminds us of two things:
fi rst, the importance of the spatial in the politics of race; and second,
why the seaside is signifi cant in social and personal life.”—Sarah Neal,
University of Surrey, UK.
ii Endorsements
“Questions of race and racism have often been limited to discussions
of Britain’s big cities. However, as Gurinder Chadha pointed out in her
fi lm Bhaji on the Beach the seaside—at the edge of the political territory—is a rich and evocative place to understand how racism can co-exist
with convivial multiculture. Like a latter day Orwell, Daniel Burdsey’s
sensitive and insightful book off ers us a vivid set of sociological postcards
from the coast that aids us in understanding the changing cartographies
of racism today.”—Les Back, Goldsmiths, University of London, UK.
“Th is is an engaging and insightful exploration of a very ‘British’
place—the seaside. Burdsey’s critical gaze vividly captures the ebb and
fl ow of the seaside as a space of encounter and transition, encompassing
processes and experiences of belonging and exclusion, negotiation and
fi xity, amusement, violence and death. It is ‘our Island story’ told from its
edges.”—Claire Alexander, University of Manchester, UK.
“Drawing on nearly a decade of rich sociological enquiry, Race, Place
and the Seaside is a groundbreaking study that highlights the signifi cance
of race and ethnicity at the seaside. Daniel Burdsey weaves together
multiple perspectives and scales, from lived experience to geopolitics, to
present an important alternative reading of the English seaside linked
to racialised notions of belonging, exclusion, and identity.”—Alice Mah,
University of Warwick, UK.
“Th is is a superbly crafted book exploring racism and ethnicity in
coastal areas. Far from being stable and homogenous, English seaside
locations are revealed as transnational and thoroughly racialised sites of
belonging. Th rough the idea of ‘coastal liquidity’ Daniel Burdsey fi nely
illustrates how multiculture, whiteness and racism ebb and fl ow, holding
out the potential to confi gure these places anew. Th e eff ect is that Race,
Place and the Seaside will make us approach these leisure spaces diff erently. It allows us to critically refl ect on the prevailing practices of beach
culture and begin to see seaside towns as much more than the dilapidated
faded English resorts they are often purported to be.”—Anoop Nayak,
Newcastle University, UK.
Race, Place and the Seaside
Daniel Burdsey
Race, Place and the
Seaside
Postcards from the Edge
ISBN 978-1-137-45011-1 ISBN 978-1-137-45012-8 (eBook)
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-45012-8
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016940982
© Th e Editor(s) (if applicable) and Th e Author(s) 2016
Th e author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identifi ed as the author(s) of this work in accordance
with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Th is work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
Th e use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
Th e publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made.
Cover illustration: © John Devin / Alamy Stock Photo
Printed on acid-free paper
Th is Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature
Th e registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd. London
Daniel Burdsey
School of Sport and Service Management
University of Brighton, UK
For Holly and Alex
My days at the seaside are always more fun when I am with them.
ix
Th e seaside is a mysterious place. Even the seemingly bland, everyday,
ordinary British seaside, most of us know of and some of us love, holds
many secrets hidden from view.
Th is is despite the proliferation, over the past quarter of a century, of
seaside research by varied academic tribes, journalistic reportage, popular
general seaside histories, or specifi c case studies, and increasing attention
from government and associated bodies in terms of research, policy formation, and funding.
Sometimes, the problem is with a grand concept or theory that, when
fi rst launched, the seaside research community applauds, but that subsequently obscures rather than reveals. On other occasions, infl uential
studies ultimately straightjacket because they are caught in a moment of
time or off er a partial, limited analysis of some theme or topic.
As an academic, I’ve been thinking and writing about the seaside and
exploring places betwixt land and sea—on the edge—for four decades.
While I’ve had immense enjoyment and satisfaction from the activity, I
have also concluded that while we know a fair amount, and have some
fascinating insights about what was or now is, our knowledge and understanding is incomplete and inadequate. Such, perhaps, is our lot when
trying to make sense of the real, complicated, changing, varied world on
the edge. It is also, however, that we do not have conceptual tools that are
good enough to improve our understanding of the seaside.
Foreword
x Foreword
In this book, Daniel Burdsey makes three outstanding contributions
to addressing these and related concerns.
Th e fi rst is simply the scope of his intellectual endeavour. Th e book is
the product of extraordinarily wide reading and deep thought. Of course,
he draws on, and synthesises, the ever-growing literature of what has
become known as “seaside studies.” But he also, appropriately and boldly,
goes into other arenas and areas of knowledge that have not, before, been
applied to the British seaside.
Th e results are a revelation, especially so when he explores a varied literature and set of ideas around “race, racialisation, and racism,”
strangeness, confl ict, exclusion and inclusion, dominant and marginalised imaginations, and diff erent types of place and space. Although a
sociologist, Daniel understands the intricacies of seaside geographies. For
example, there is a fi ne comparative section on the beach as a site of racial
confl ict in the USA, Australia, and South Africa, and this is complemented, in his case study of one English resort, by valuable and original
insights into how minority ethnic residents use the beach in their home
town.
As he argues, the British seaside literature has largely been blind to
questions of race and ethnicity. In part, this is because so many academics
and other commentators have seen the seaside as essentially white. But,
it is also because no one before Daniel has had the wit to pose the questions he asks.
A second contribution that (perhaps, literally) fl ows from the depth
and breadth of his seaside understanding is the concept of “coastal liquidity.” Seaside social relations and spaces are fl uid, dynamic, and indefi -
nite. Coastal liquidity, Daniel says, is “a way of challenging, and writing
against, static portrayals of the seaside.” Th e seaside is not stationary
or monolithic. Th ings change, places change, people change, communities change, relationships change: “coastal liquidity encourages us to
acknowledge the contested pasts, the messy and unfi nished presents, and
the uncertain futures of seaside and coastal places.”
Daniel puts coastal liquidity to work in the last three substantial chapters in the book. Th ese present the results of his empirical research on
race in one contemporary English south coast resort. Given the fi ctitious
Foreword xi
name “Sunshine Bay,” the resort was fi rst enjoyed by Daniel during childhood day trips three decades before this book was written.
Daniel presents and discusses the testimonies of minority ethnic residents living in Sunshine Bay. Th ese men and women are of diff ering
ages, origins, and backgrounds, and had diff erent ways of journeying to
their lives in the town. Th e individual narratives are compared and contrasted to explore processes such as community formation, notions of
exclusion, inclusion and belonging, and the multicultural changes that
have occurred in Sunshine Bay over the past decade.
Th e testimonies are revealing and engrossing, sometimes distressing
and sometimes empowering. Th ere are fears and hopes, anxieties and
excitements. And through the words and thoughts of the participants in
the research, this particular seaside place is revealed in vivid and changing
detail. Some of the participants—and this, no doubt, is, in part, down
to Daniel’s empathetic and sensitive approach to the interviews—demonstrate their own keen sociological, geographical, and seaside imaginations. But, through his use of the coastal liquidity concept, the sum
becomes much more than the individual narratives.
Having read this book, it will be diffi cult for other researchers and
writers to ignore issues of race at the seaside. I’ve started to think about
how coastal liquidity, race, and place inform some of my own current
seaside interests. For example, in the case of arts and cultural regeneration
at the contemporary British seaside, the analysis rarely explores explicitly
issues of race. It should do. Again, coastal liquidity can help develop my
continuing fascination with the use of exotic representations and motifs
at the seaside—best revealed in the use of real and artifi cial palms in so
many exterior and interior resort spaces.
At the end of the book, Daniel writes there is more to be done. He
sketches his next ambitious steps in the intellectual project, which is
coastal liquidity. I hope others will join him on a journey to understand
other seaside towns, and also, in due course, to return to Sunshine Bay.
Fred Gray
Brighton, UK
xiii
As a sociologist interested in popular culture, identity, space, and place,
and as someone who has lived for so long near the sea, my decision to
write a book about the seaside was arguably inevitable. Th e English seaside is a site, and frequently a sight, with which I am deeply connected:
historically, materially, emotionally, aff ectively, and intellectually. “You
can take the boy out of the seaside, but you can’t take the seaside out of
the boy,” and all that.
For all but four of my 40 years (during which time I studied at universities in large cities in the English Midlands), I have lived in the seaside
town (indeed, since 2000, city ) of Brighton. Offi cially, the town became
the unitary authority of Brighton and Hove (actually) in 1997; but, as I
will attempt to explain to anyone who will listen, the two places are quite
distinct, and it is Brighton that I call home. For the past 12 years, my
workplace has been the University of Brighton’s campus in Eastbourne,
another seaside town approximately 20 miles east along the Sussex coast
from where I reside.
Many of my childhood memories revolve around the seaside. I am not
sure whether my family simply did a lot of things at the seaside or those
memories are just the happiest or most vivid. It is probably a combination
of the two. Looking back on family photographs, I certainly look very
happy, although as John Urry (2006) points out, it is our cheery experiences at the seaside that we are most likely to commit to photograph (and
Pref ace
xiv Preface
now, I would guess, fi lm on a smartphone), rather than our unhappy
ones. Various experiences stand out: Summer evenings swimming in the
sea and attending crazy golf birthday parties at the King Alfred leisure
centre in neighbouring Hove, bracing winter walks under the cliff face
at Rottingdean (including the time when I cried because my favourite
woollen dungarees with an elephant picture on them got wet and made
my legs itch), looking for fossils in Dorset, and a Burdsey- created beach
“mini-Olympics” on the Isle of Wight. Th e edginess of the amusements
at the Peter Pan playground and the arcade machines on the Palace Pier
in Brighton were a great attraction to me and my older brother—he preferring Kung Fu games and shoot ’em ups, and I, cars, bikes, and sport
contests. In January 1980, the 300-feet Greek merchant ship, Athina B ,
ran aground on Brighton beach close to the Palace Pier. Afternoon trips
down to the seafront to gawp at this unlikely intruder on the pebbles were
a real treat. Watching my Grandad leave his prosthetic leg (having lost
his real one during the Second World War) on the beach in Angmering
and hop into the cold Sussex sea was also a source of pride and amazement (and one of amusement too). Th e historical smells and tastes of
the seaside are memorable: the salt water, the sickly sweet candy fl oss
and doughnuts, the suntan cream, the warm plastic of infl atable dinghies
(see Dann and Jacobsen 2003, on tourist “smellscapes”). Sometimes, we
would get a cone of chips to eat or a bag of pick ‘n’ mix sweets. More
often than not, it was (and still is) one of my mum’s legendary picnics
(particularly her egg sandwiches and fl apjack) that provided sustenance.
During my latter teenage years, the seafront was more about the nighttime economy of Brighton’s bars and nightclubs. As an adult, the seafront
is now a place to walk and jog. Despite running in some of the world’s
most beautiful environments (in my opinion), I still rank the westward
plod between Brighton Marina and the pier on a sunny early morning as
one of the best routes around. I also enjoy repeating the things I did as
a child with my young niece and nephew: looking in rock pools, dropping tuppences into “waterfall” arcade machines, and eating ice-creams.
Additionally, there are the “hide and seek” games between and behind the
beach huts at Hove: narrow gaps ideal for small people to get between,
but too tight for their uncle to follow them down!