Generative and Non - Linear Phonology

LONGMAN LINGUISTICS LIBRARY

GENERATIVE AND NON-LINEAR PHONOLOGY

LONGMAN LINGUISTICS LIBRARY: SERIES LIST

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Martin Harris, University of

Manchester Geoffrey Horrocks,

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Generative and Non-linear

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Aspect in the English Verb

Process and Result in Language

YISHAI TOBIN

Generative and Non￾linear Phonology

Jacques Durand

~ Routledge ~ Taylor & Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 1990 by Addison Wesley Longman Limited

Fourth impression 1996

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Notices

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ISBN13: 978-0-582-00329-3 (pbk)

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Durand, Jacques, 1947-

Generative and non-linear phonology.

(Longman linguistics library).

1. Generative phonology

I. litle

414

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Durand, Jacques, 1947 -

Generative and non-linear phonology.

(Longman linguistics library)

Bibliography: p.

Includes index.

1. Grammar, Comparative and general - Phonology.

2. Generative grammar. I. litle. II. Series.

P217.3.D87 1989 414 88-27203

Set by 10/11 pt Linotron 202 Times

Contents

Preface x

List of Abbreviations XII

1 Introduction

I. l Scope of this book

1.2 From classical phonemics to generative phonology 3

1.2. l Phonemes and allophones 4

1.2.2 Mappings and rules 5

l .2.3 Classical tests for the identification of

phonemes 7

l.2.3.1 Opposition 7

1.2.3.2 Complementary distribution 8

l.2.3.3 Phonetic similarity 8

1.2.3-4 Free variation 8

l .2-4 On the insufficiency of surface contrast 9

1.2.5 Rule ordering 12

1.3 Phonemes or features? 12

I.3. l Phonetic vs. phonological features 14

l .3.2 The evidence for distinctive features 16

1.3.2.l Phonotactic statements 16

1.3.2.2 The statement of rules 18

1.3.2.3 External evidence 22

1.4 Levels of representation 22

1.5 Aspects of a standard generative analysis of Midi

French 24

r.5. l On schwa 27

1.5.2 The phonology of liaison, ftexion and 30

derivation

1.6 Phonology within the model of grammar 34

1

1

VI CONTENTS

2 The theory of Distinctive Features 37

2. 1 Preliminaries 37

2.2 Some general assumptions 39

2.3 The phonetic features and their articulatory

correlates 41

2.3. 1 Major class features 41

2.3.2 Cavity features 42

2.3.2.1 Primary strictures 42

2.3.2.2 Tongue-body features 43

2.3.3 Lip-attitude 47

2.3-4 Length of stricture 49

2.3.5 Secondary apertures 51

2.3.6 Manner of articulation features 51

2.3.7 Source features 54

2.3.7.1 Voicing and types of phonation 54

2.3.7.2 Stridency 57

2.3.8 Airstream mechanisms 57

2.3.9 Prosodic and other features 58

2-4 Universalism revisited 59

2.5 The acoustic/auditory basis of distinctive features 6I

2.5.I The feature [grave] 62

2.5.2 The vowel space 64

2.5.3 Retroflexion 66

2.6 Invariance and distinctive features 67

3 Binarism, full and partial specification, markedness

and gestures 72

3.I Binarism 72

3. I. I Binarism, privativeness and equipollence 72

3.1.2 The expressive power of binary features 77

3.2 Multivalued scalar features 81

3.3 Contrastivity, archiphonemes and redundancy rules 88

3-4 Markedness Theory 93

3.5 Gestures 99

3.5. I Nasal assimilation 100

3.5.2 The laryngeal glides and dearticulation 102

3.5.3 Glides and nasalization in Malay 105

4 The derivational issue: aspects of the

abstractness-concreteness debate IIO

4. I Preliminaries IIO

4.2 Aspects of the segmental phonology of English III

4.2.I The Vowel Shift II4

4.2.2 Three arguments for the Vowel Shift I2I

CONTENTS Vll

4.2.3 A further look at the back vowels 124

4.2-4 The linking 'r' and panlectalism 126

4.2.5 The intrusive 'r' 127

4.3 Objections to the Vowel Shift and Velar Softening 128

4-4 Natural Generative Phonology 134

4-4· I Rule morphologization in Andalusian

Spanish 136

4-4·2 A re-examination of Andalusian Spanish 141

4-4·3 Rule types in NGP 144

4-4·4 The NOC, the TGC and underlying forms 146

4-4·5 Evaluation of strata in NGP 148

4.5 In defence of the Vowel Shift 150

5 Underspecification Theory and Lexical Phonology 156

5. I Underspecification Theory 156

5. l. l Yawelmani vowels and underspecification 159

5.I.I.l Rounding harmony 160

5.1. r.2 Redundancy Rules: default and

complement rules 161

5. I.2 Brief application of UT to Midi French 165

5.2 Lexical Phonology 168

5.2. I The morphological component and level

ordered morphology 170

5.2.2 Lexical rules and cyclicity 173

5.2.3 Zero derivation, levels and the Bracket

Erasure Convention 176

5.2.4 How many levels? 178

5.2.5 Strict cyclicity and abstractness 181

5.2.6 Cyclic and non-cyclic levels 186

5.2.7 The post-lexical module 188

5.2.8 Syntax, prosody and the post-lexical module 190

5.2.9 Modularity and Universal Grammar 195

6 Metrical structures 198

6. l The syllable 198

6. I. 1 The onset-rhyme split 201

6. r.2 The nucleus and the coda 203

6. r.3 The elimination of [+/-syllabic] 207

6. l -4 An argument against the nucleus-coda split 207

6. l .5 Syllable-templates and the sonority

hierarchy 209

6. r.6 Extrametricality 211

6. l .7 The CV tier 215

6. I. 8 Ambisyllabicity 217

Vlll CONTENTS

6.1.9 The foot and above 219

6.2 Stress and prominence 224

6.2. 1 Metrical trees 225

6.2.1. I Stress and the Designated Terminal

Element 227

6.2.1.2 Strength relationships within the

syllable 229

6.2.2 The metrical grid 231

6.2.2.1 Grids, Iambic Reversal and

eurhythmy 232

6.2.2.2 Metrical trees or grids? 233

6.2.2.3 Halle and Vergnaud's grid and

constituent approach 236

7 Autosegmental and Multidimensional Phonology 242

7. 1 Preliminary remarks 242

7.2 Tones and the autosegmental framework 243

7.2.1 A Bakwiri language game 243

7.2.2 Contour tones 245

7.2.3 Principles of association 249

7.2-4 Exemplification: Margi tones 250

7.2.5 Extensions of autosegmental analysis 252

7.3 The skeleton 257

7.3. 1 Sketch of Classical Arabic morphology 257

7.3.2 The Obligatory Contour Principle 262

7.3.3 The skeleton as a set of pure positions 264

7 .4 Further geometrical extensions 265

7.4.1 Yokuts revisited 265

7.4.2 A notation for gestures 270

7.5 Universal Phonology and the 'no rule' approach 273

8 An outline of Dependency Phonology 276

8. r Introduction 276

8.2 Suprasegmental representations 277

8.2. 1 Dependency structures in syntax,

morphology and phonology 277

8.2.2 Interconnectedness 281

8.2.3 The foot and above 284

8.3 Infrasegmental representations 286

8.3. 1 The vowel components 287

8.3.1.1 Classes and rules 289

8.3.1.2 Fusion, fission and dependency

preservation 291

8.3.1.3 I-umlaut 293

CONTENTS IX

8.3. I.4 Markedness 295

8.3. I.5 Underspecification 295

8.3.2 The categorial gesture and consonantal

representations 298

8.3.3 Geometrical extensions 300

8.3-4 Another look at binarism 304

8-4 Back unrounded vowels: epilogue and prologue 305

Appendix: Phonetic Symbols 313

Bibliography 315

Index 334

Preface

Phonology, to be judged by the number of monographs and

articles on the subject, is a well-charted field. On close inspec￾tion, however, advanced syntheses of a kind which have become

familiar in syntax are few and far between. The motivation of this

book has been an attempt to provide such a synthesis - a book

which would help fellow-linguists, students of linguistics,

colleagues from neighbouring disciplines, and perhaps even

fellow-phonologists, to take a global view of the field of modern

phonology. Of course, I do not claim to have surveyed here all

current ramifications of phonological theory. There are many

strands (Natural Morphology, Two-level Morphology, Charm

and Government Phonology to name but a few) which deserve

treatment but are unfortunately not dealt with here. On the other

hand, the space accorded, for instance, to a 'minority model'

such as Dependency Phonology reflects my own theoretical

prejudices. But it is my conviction that Dependency Phonology

has given innovative answers to many problems and that phon￾ological theory is only slowly rediscovering some of the solutions

tentatively proffered in this framework.

I have chosen to embed this book in the paradigm defined by

Chomsky and Halle in the Sound Pattern of English (1968) and

then to depart from this paradigm in various directions. The

amount of space devoted to classical issues in what follows will

be seen by some as a distraction from the preoccupations of the

moment. But it is my conviction that current approaches still feed

off SPE and most articles presuppose a solid understanding of

classical generative concepts, not to mention a good knowledge

of the pre-generative literature. A reconfiguration of the field

which makes Chomsky and Halle's work obsolete has not yet

PREFACE Xl

taken place, even though many current proposals point to direc￾tions far removed from this classical paradigm. In any case, it

seems to me that there is a way of reasoning about phonological

generalizations and underlying systems inherited from SPE and

precursors like Sapir and Bloomfield which is still shared by

modern generative phonologists and is worth exploring in some

detail.

A great number of people have helped me in the preparation

of this volume, either in discussion or in reading chapters of the

manuscript. Among the people who provided me with useful and

stimulating feedback on portions of the book, may I, in

particular, thank Gillian Brown, Keith Brown, Monik Charette,

Fran Colman, Heinz Giegerich, Richard Hogg, Harry van der

Hulst, Erik Koning, Bernard Laks, Ken Lodge, Chris McCully,

Tina Tan Stok Mei, Kim Plested, Andy Spencer and Peter

Trudgill. While their advice has been precious to me, they are

not to be held responsible for any of the errors or wrong-headed

ideas promoted in this book.

Two Essex colleagues, Ian Crookston and Jane Shelton,

deserve a special mention as they undertook to read the last

version of the manuscript and tracked down a number of incon￾sistencies and errors. More generally, I am greatly indebted to

the whole Department of Language and Linguistics at Essex

University for providing over the years such a fine environment

for doing linguistics.

I would like to take this opportunity of thanking the Longman

series editors, Professor Martin Harris and Professor R. H.

Robins for their encouragements and constructive criticisms.

Indeed, I found the whole editorial staff at Longman most

helpful at all stages of the preparation of this book.

I would also like to record a special debt of gratitude to John

Anderson for stimulating collaboration within the framework of

Dependency Phonology. May this association and our friendship

long continue!

I would also like to thank Emmanuel Flipo of Pezenas, France

for providing the cover painting for this book.

Last but not least, I wish to thank my wife, Jane, and my chil￾dren, Marianne and Sophie, for all the support, warmth and love

they gave me during the writing of this book.

List of Main Abbreviations

ATR Advanced Tongue Root

BEC Bracket Erasure Convention

C Consonant or Coda

CSR Compound Stress Rule

DFs Distinctive Features

DP Dependency Phonology

DTE Designated Terminal Element

GA General American

I-INS I-insertion

KLV Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud

LCPR Lexical Category Prominence Rule

LP Lexical Phonology

MA Mutual Assimilation

MVLOW Mid-Vowel Lowering

N Nucleus

NA Natural Appropriateness

NGP Natural Generative Phonology

NOC No Ordering Condition

NP A Nasal Place Assimilation

NR Natural Recurrence

0 Onset

OCP Obligatory Contour Principle

OLG Obstruent + Liquid + Glide

OVA Obstruent Voicing Agreement

R Rhyme

RP Received Pronunciation

RR Redundancy Rule

SC Structural Change

SCC Strict Cycle Condition

SD Structural Description

SI Sonority Index

TGC True Generalization Condition

TSS Trisyllabic Shortening

LIST OF MAIN ABBREVIATIONS

U Utterance

UG Universal grammar

UPSID UCLA Phonological Segment Inventory Database

UT Underspecification Theory

V Vowel

VS Vowel Shift

WFRs word-formation rules

Xlll

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