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Editorial Stanley Publishing A To Zed or A To Zee
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A TO ZED, A TO ZEE
A GUIDE TO THE DIFFERENCES
BETWEEN
BRITISH AND AMERICAN ENGLISH
A TO ZED, A TO ZEE
A GUIDE TO THE DIFFERENCES
BETWEEN BRITISH AND AMERICAN ENGLISH
WRITTEN BY
GLENN DARRAGH
PUBLISHED BY
EDITORIAL STANLEY
LAYOUT
ANGELA GOMEZ MARTIN
FRONT PAGE DESIGN
DISENO IRUNES
© EDITORIAL STANLEY
APDO. 207 - 20302 IRUN - SPAIN
TELF. (943) 64 04 12 - FAX. (943) 64 38 63
ISBN: 84-7873-346-9
DEP. LEG. BI-930-00
FIRST EDITION 2000
PRINTERS
IMPRENTA BEREKINTZA
Contents
Preface
Introduction: Why are they so different? v
Part one: Spelling 2
Part two: Pronunciation 11
Part three: Grammar and Usage 19
Part four: A to Zed: a GB / US lexis 27
Part five: A to Zee: a US / GB lexis 75
Further Reading 121
Preface
This book is intended for Americans and
Britons who want to understand each
other better, and for foreign students of
either American or British English who
want to familiarise (or familiarize)
themselves with the other main variety
of the language. According to George
Bernard Shaw, the United States and
England are two great nations separated
by a common tongue. In fact, most of
the time the two peoples understand
each other fairly well, or think they do.
The accent is different, of course, but it
presents no more of a barrier than any
regional accent would. Differences in
grammar, syntax and spelling are
relatively minor. The main differences,
and they are huge, are lexical and
cultural.
This state of affairs is reflected in the
structure and content of the present
book, which makes no pretence (or
pretense) of being exhaustive, but which
does try to be comprehensive. Short
initial chapters outline the historical
background and the differences in
pronunciation, spelling and grammar.
The main part of the book, however,
consists of a dictionary of British
vocabulary and cultural references which
someone from the United States might
have trouble understanding, and of a
dictionary of American vocabulary and
cultural references that might present
problems to someone from the British
Isles. As the book is not aimed at
academics, but at laymen (or
laypersons) who are curious about
language, phonetic differences are
shown, when necessary, by a figured
pronunciation. The A to Zed section is
written to be read by Americans, the/4
to Zee section by Britons. Finally, a
number of older terms have been
retained in both sections of the
dictionary for the benefit of the small
number of Americans and Britons who
happen to be complete novices in the
study of English as a foreign language.
Introduction: Why are they so different?
When a Briton and an American meet,
even though they are far from mutually
unintelligible, each is soon aware of
differences in the speech of the other.
First, the accent is different:
pronunciation, tempo, intonation are
distinctive. Next, differences in
vocabulary, idiom and syntax occur, as
they would in a foreign language:
individual words are misunderstood or
not understood at all, metaphorical
expressions sound bizarre, subtle
irregularities become apparent in the
way words are arranged, or in the
position of words in a sentence, or in
the addition or omission of words. It is
estimated that some 4,000 words and
expressions in common use in Britain
today either do not exist or are used
differently in the US. These differences
are reflected in the way British and
American English are written, so that
variations in spelling and punctuation
also emerge. Finally, there are immense
cultural divergences, ranging from
different trademarks for everyday
products to different institutions and
forms of government. Little wonder,
then, that even in this age of global
communications, we are still able to
misunderstand each other. Before
examining each of these major
dissimilarities in detail, it may be useful
to consider how they have arisen.
In fact, many of the distinctive phonetic
features of modern American English
can be traced back to the British Isles.
To take a single example, the r at the
end of words is pronounced in markedly
different ways in the 'standard' varieties
of American and British English. In the
'received pronunciation' of GB, it is
barely sounded at all, so that words like
there and water are pronounced theah
and watuh. This pattern is characteristic
of the south-eastern part of England,
which is where, in the early 17th
century,
the first British colonists originated.
Their peculiar treatment of the final r
survives in New England and the South,
but it is exceptional in the US as a
whole. The distinctive American r, a kind
of muffled growl produced near the back
of the mouth, is fully sounded. It is very
similar to the r still pronounced in parts
of the west and north of England, and in
Scotland and Ireland, and was almost
certainly brought to America by
subsequent colonists from those parts.
Since most of the British settlement in
North America in the 19th
century came
from the north and west of England and
from Ireland, especially from the
northern counties of Ulster, rhotic
speech, as it is called, eventually spread
across the continent. In many other little
ways, standard American English is
reminiscent of an older period of the
language. For example, Americans
pronounce either and neither-with the
vowel of teeth or beneath, while in
England these words have changed their
pronunciation since the American
colonies were founded and are now
pronounced with an initial diphthong,
like the words eye and nigh. (For a
fuller discussion of these and other
pronunciation differences, see Part 2.)
It is said that all emigrant languages are
linguistically nostalgic, preserving
archaic pronunciations and meanings.
The word vest provides an interesting
example of one of the ways in which the
vocabularies of Britain and America
were to grow apart. The first recorded
use of the word occurs in 1666 (in the
diary of Samuel Pepys), referring to 'a
sleeveless jacket worn under an outer
coat'. The direct descendant of this
usage is the modern American vest,
A TO ZED, A TO ZEE STANLEY v
meaning waistcoat. In the intervening
centuries, however, the meaning of the
word has shifted in Britain, so that it
now applies to 'a piece of clothing worn
on the top half of the body underneath a
shirt'. Americans have retained a
number of old uses like this or old words
which have died out in England. Their
use of gotten in place of got as the past
participle of get was the usual form in
England two centuries ago; in modern
British English it survives only in the
expression ill-gotten gains. American
still use mad as Shakespeare did, in the
sense of angry ('Don't get mad, get
even.'), and have retained old words like
turnpike, meaning a toll road, and fall as
the natural word for the season. The
American I guess is as old as Chaucer
and was still current in English speech in
the 17th
century. The importance of such
divergences was compounded by two
parallel processes. Some words which
the pilgrims and subsequent settlers
brought to the New World did not
transplant, but in England they survived:
e.g. fortnight, porridge, heath, moor,
ironmonger. Far more important,
however, was the process by which,
under the pressure of a radically
different environment, the colonists
introduced innovations, coining new
words and borrowing from other cultures.
Many living things, for example, were
peculiar to their new environment, and
terms were required to describe them:
mud hen, garter snake, bullfrog, potato
bug, groundhog. Other words illustrate
things associated with the new mode of
life: back country, backwoodsman,
squatter, clapboard, corncrib, bobsled.
This kind of inventiveness, dictated by
necessity, has of course continued to
the present day, but many of the most
distinctive Americanisms were in fact
formed early: sidewalk, lightning rod,
spelling bee. low-down, to have an ax
to grind, to sit on the fence, to saw
wood, and so on. At the same time,
other words were being assimilated
ready-made into the language from the
different cultures the settlers came into
contact with. Borrowings from the
Indians include pecan, squash,
chipmunk, raccoon, skunk, and
moccasin', from the French, gopher,
pumpkin, prairie, rapids, shanty, dime,
apache, brave and depot; from the
Spanish, alfalfa, marijuana, cockroach,
coyote, lasso, taco, patio, cafeteria and
desperado; from the Dutch, cookie,
waffle, boss, yankee, dumb (meaning
stupid), and spook. Massive immigration
in the 19th
century brought new words
from German (delicatessen, pretzel,
hamburger, lager, check, bummer,
docent, nix], from Italian [pizza,
spaghetti, espresso, parmesan,
zucchini] and from other languages.
Jews from Central Europe introduced
many Yiddish expressions with a wide
currency in modern America: chutzpah,
kibitz, klutz, schlep, schmaltz, schlock,
schnoz, and tush. Likewise, many
Africanisms were introduced by the
enforced immigration of black slaves:
gumbo, jazz, okra, chigger. Even
supposedly modern expressions like
with-it, do your thing, and bad-mouth
are word-for-word translations of
phrases used in West African languages.
Eventually many of these enrichments
would cross the Atlantic back to
England, but by no means all of them.
Those that did not cross back form the
basis of the differentiation that has
taken place between the American and
the British vocabulary (Parts 4 and 5, for
an examination of current lexical
differences and explanations of many of
the terms cited above).
A further important change was to take
vi STANLEY A TO ZED, A TO ZEE
place, in the domain of spelling. In the
years immediately following the
American Revolution, many Americans
sought to declare their linguistic as they
had their political independence. In
1780, John Adams, a future president of
the United States, proposed the
founding of an 'American Academy for
refining, improving, and ascertaining the
English Language'. The plan came to
nothing but it is significant as an
indication of the importance Americans
were beginning to attach to their
language. The more ardent patriots were
demanding the creation of a distinctly
American civilization, free of the
influence of the mother country. Defence
of this attitude was the life-work of
Noah Webster (1758 - 1843), author of
The American Spelling Book, first
published in 1783 and destined to sell
an estimated 80,000,000 copies over
the next hundred years. This work, from
which countless immigrants learnt their
English, introduced such typical
spellings as honor, color, traveler,
defense, offense, center, theater, ax,
plow, and jail. The influence of
Webster's American Spelling Book and
of his later American Dictionary of the
English Language (1828) was
enormous. It is true to say that the
majority of distinctively American
spellings are due to his advocacy of the
principles underlying them. (The main
differences are outlined in Part 1.)
Moreover, some of the characteristics of
American pronunciation must also be
attributed to Webster, especially its
relative homogeneity across so vast a
continent and its tendency to give fuller
value to the unaccented syllables of
words (see Part 2).
As regards the basic grammar and
structure of the language, there are
surprisingly few major differences. On
the whole, however, Americans, as
though impelled by an urgent need to
express themselves, appear less
constrained by the rules of grammatical
form. For instance, they tend to bulldoze
their way across distinctions between
the various parts of speech. New nouns
are compounded from verbs and
prepositions: fallout, blowout, workout,
cookout, the runaround, a stop-over, a
try-out. Nouns are used as verbs - to
author, to fund, to host, to alibi (an
early example of the practice was to
scalp] - and verbs are used just as
casually as nouns: an assist, a morph.
Any number of new verbs can be
created by adding the suffix -ize to a
noun or to the root of an adjective:
standardize, fetishize, sanitize,
prioritize, diabolize. If the exuberance
of American English is reminiscent of
anything, it is of the linguistic energy of
the Elizabethans. In the early part of the
20th
century, H.L. Mencken was already
making the point. American English, he
said, 'still shows all the characteristics
that marked the common tongue in the
days of Elizabeth I, and it continues to
resist stoutly the policing that ironed out
Standard English in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries'.
The present geopolitical, technological,
financial and commercial supremacy of
the United States unquestionably
underlies the expansiveness and spread
of its language, nowhere more so than
on the level of colloquial or popular
speech. Occasionally words in British
English become fashionable enough to
cross the Atlantic, but the vast majority
of words - like the vast majority of
films, television programmes, best
sellers, news magazines, and pop music
lyrics which convey them - no longer
A TO ZED, A TO ZEE STANLEY vii
travel westwards, but eastwards. This
situation is not without irony. In the
1780s, some patriots were proposing
that English be scrapped altogether as
the national language and replaced by
another: French, Hebrew and Greek
were candidates. The last of these was
rejected on the grounds that 'it would
be more convenient for us to keep the
language as it was, and make the
English speak Greek'. Two hundred and
some years later, it seems fairly obvious
that the Americans will keep and
develop their variety of English just as
they please, and the British will have to
adapt as best they can. It is a process
that is already well under way, with
thousands of words and expressions
that were exclusively American a few
years ago now part of the written and
spoken language in both its varieties.
But there is no reason to deplore this
fact. It is simply a sign that the language
is doing what it has always done: it is
changing and revitalizing itself.
Viii • STANLEY A TO ZED, A TO ZEE
PAR T ON E
PAR T TW O
Spelling 2
1. The color/colour group 3
2. The center / centre group 3
3. The realize / realise group 4
4. The edema / oedema group 5
5. The fulfill / fulfil group 6
6. One letter differences 7
7. Miscellaneous 8
Pronunciation 9
1. Pronunciation of 'r' 9
2. Pronunciation of 'a' 10
3. Pronunciation of 'o' 10
4. Pronunciation of 'u' 11
5. Pronunciation of 't' 11
6. Pronunciation of particular words 12
7. Stress and articulation 14
THREE
Grammar and Usage 15
1. Irregular verbs 16
2. Use of Past Simple
and Present Perfect tenses 17
3. Auxiliary and modal verbs 18
4. Expressions with 'have' and 'take' 19
5. Position of adverbs 19
6. Use of 'real' as an intensifier 19
7. Collective nouns 20
8. Prepositions 20
9. Use of 'one' 21
10. Other usages 22
PAR T THRE E
PAR T ON E
Spelling
A complete list of spelling differences
between American and British English,
assuming such a list could be compiled,
would be a daunting and not particularly
useful thing. For example, among many
other factors, it would have to take
account of differences of hyphenation
and spacing in compound words (US
antiaircraft/GB anti-aircraft, US
bookkeeper/GB book-keeper, US
ultramodern/GB ultra-modern, and so
on). Since American English tends to
drop the hyphen much faster than British
English, this factor alone would make
the list potentially endless.
The difficulties arising from hyphenation
also illustrate the complexity of the
subject in general, for not only do
variant spellings exist for many words on
both sides of the Atlantic, often the
authorities in each country-i.e. the
dictionary-makers -are in disagreement
as to which spelling of a word is to be
preferred over other possibilities. Rather
than attempt a complete inventory of
spelling differences, then, we have
chosen to identify a number of broad
categories. The following lists are
illustrative rather than exhaustive. One
important point should be noted: if two
versions of a word are given as accepted
US or GB spelling, the first is the
preferred spelling and the second a
variant. (Our authorities are MerriamWebster's Collegiate Dictionary for
American words and the Concise Oxford
Dictionary for British.)
2 STANLEY A TO ZED, A TO ZEE
1. The color / colour group. 2. The center/centre group.
Most GB words ending in -our end
in -or in the US. This difference is
also apparent in derivatives.
Most GB words ending in -tre, usually
deriving from French, end in -ter in the
US. This difference is also apparent in
derivatives.
arbor
ardor
armor
armorer
armory
behavior
behavioral
candor
clamor
color
demeanor
enamor
endeavor
favor
favorite
favoritism
fervor
flavor
glamor, glamour
harbor
honor
humor
labor
misdemeanor
neighbor
neighborhood
odor
parlor
rancor
rigor
rumor
savior
savor, savour
splendor
succor
tumor
valor
vapor
vigor
arbour
ardour
armour
armourer
armoury
behaviour
behavioural
candour
clamour
colour
demeanour
enamour
endeavour
favour
favourite
favouritism
fervour
flavour
glamour
harbour
honour
humour
labour
misdemeanour
neighbour
neighbourhood
odour
parlour
rancour
rigour
rumour
saviour
savour
splendour
succour
tumour
valour
vapour
vigour
accoutre, accouter
accouterment,
accoutrement
amphitheater
caliber, calibre
center
centerfold
fiber, fibre
fiberboard,
fibreboard
fiberglass,
fibreglass
goiter
liter
luster
maneuver
meager, meagre
meter
miter, mitre
niter
ocher, ochre
philter, philtre
reconnoiter,
reconnoitre
saber, sabre
saltpeter
scepter
somber, sombre
specter, spectre
theater, theatre
accoutre
accoutrement
amphitheatre
calibre
centre
centrefold
fibre
fibreboard
fibreglass
goitre
litre
lustre
manoeuvre
meagre
metre
mitre
nitre
ochre
philtre
reconnoitre
sabre
saltpetre
sceptre
somber
spectre
theatre
A TO ZED, A TO ZEE STANLEY
US GB
US GB
3