Critique and resistance in a Neoliberal age

CRITIQUE AND RESISTANCE

IN A NEOLIBERAL AGE

Towards a Narrative of Emancipation

CHARLES MASQUELIER

Critique and Resistance in a Neoliberal Age

Charles Masquelier

Critique and

Resistance in a

Neoliberal Age

Towards a Narrative of Emancipation

ISBN 978-1-137-40193-9 ISBN 978-1-137-40194-6 (eBook)

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-40194-6

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016955810

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017

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Charles Masquelier

University of Exeter

Exeter, Surrey, United Kingdom

To my friend, Luke Martell

vii

I wish to dedicate this book to my friend Luke Martell, whose unfaltering

struggle against social injustice has been, and remains, an immense source

of inspiration. It was also under Luke’s mandate as head of the Sociology

Department at the University of Sussex that I was first given the oppor￾tunity to teach Sociology. I would therefore also like to thank him for

making such an important contribution to my career as a sociologist.

I would also like to thank my friend and ex-Sussex comrade, Matt

Dawson, whose moral support has significantly helped me complete this

manuscript. Matt also very kindly provided comments on a draft of this

manuscript, for which I am especially grateful.

Many thanks also go to my Surrey colleague and friend, Paul Stoneman,

with whom I had the pleasure to exchange ideas on many themes and

issues covered in the book.

But none of this work would have been possible without the continu￾ous and invaluable support of my friends Anna-Mari and David, Bethany,

Clément, Dave, Katherine, Monica and Jasper, the Serruys family and

Suzie. Many thanks to you all for being there for me and allowing me not

to succumb to the strain of the state of pronounced anomie induced by

Berkshire life.

Acknowledgements

ix

Contents

1 Introduction 1

Defining Neoliberalism 4

The Core Functions of Emancipatory Critique 6

Defetishizing Social Reality 7

Exploring the Mechanisms of Domination 8

Diagnosing the Nature of, and Prospects for, Resistance 10

Structure of the Book 11

Part I Neoliberal Processes 15

2 Introduction of Part I 17

3 Financialization 19

The Core Features of Financialization 20

Financialization and the Socio-Economic Structure 21

On the Financialization of Culture 25

Financialization and the “Inflation of Culture” 27

x Contents

4 Flexibilization 33

Flexibilization as Economic Process 35

From Flexibilization to Precarization 38

On the Cultural Dimension of Flexibilization 39

Defetishizing Flexibility 43

5 Personal Responsibilization 47

Personal Responsibilization and the Neoliberal State 48

Explaining the Rise of the “Entrepreneurial Self” 50

Bringing Neoliberalism Back in the Analysis 53

Ideology and Personal Responsibilization 55

6 Privatization 61

From Economic Process to Cultural Force 61

Privatization and the New Cultural “Condition” 64

Privatization and Ideology 68

7 The Neoliberalization of Nature 73

Social Theory and Nature: Some Preliminary Considerations 73

Neoliberal Processes and Nature 75

More Than a Mere Reorganization of Nature 77

8 Conclusion of Part I 81

Part II Domination 85

9 Introduction of Part II 87

10 Probing Neoliberal Domination 91

Class Domination 91

Race, Gender and Domination 94

Contents xi

Exploring the Links Between Economic and Cultural

Domination 97

Environmental Domination and the Four Neoliberal

Processes 104

Linking Social and Environmental Domination:

Conceptual Premises 108

11 Conceptualizing Neoliberal Domination 111

Economic Facts, Economic Power and Political Power 112

The Moral Authority of Neoliberal Economic Facts 118

Ideology and Economic Facts: Some Preliminary

Considerations 120

Economic Facts and Symbolic Domination 122

Social, Environmental and Symbolic Domination 128

12 Modernization and the Neoliberal Condition 133

The Problem with Self-Adjustment 135

The Transmutation of Values and De-modernization 138

The Transmutation of Values Illustrated 141

13 Conclusion of Part II 145

Part III Resistance 147

14 Introduction of Part III 149

15 Making Sense of Contemporary Social Movements 151

The Movements in Context 151

The Movements and the Neoliberal Regime of Symbolic

Domination 153

Imagining a World Beyond Economic Rationality 155

xii Contents

16 Conceptualizing Resistance 161

The “Double Movement” Thesis and Symbolic Domination 161

On the Interplay of the Economy and Culture in Resistance 166

Nature and the Conceptualization of Resistance 174

17 On the Agent of Resistance 179

An Agent in Conceptual Evolution 180

The Subject as “Collective Will” 185

Leaving Anthropocentrism Behind, but Not Emancipation 190

18 Conclusion of Part III 195

Part IV Emancipation 197

19 Introduction of Part IV 199

20 Emancipatory Political Action Reimagined 201

Defining Emancipation 201

The Rise of Individualization and Apparent Demise

of Emancipatory Action 203

New Prospects for Emancipatory Political Action 205

Identity-Political and Emancipatory Action: Bridging

the Divide 207

21 Narrative Identity and Emancipation 211

The Features and Centrality of Ontological Narratives 212

Towards First-Person Plural Narratives 214

Nature and First-Person Plural Ontological Narratives 216

Premises for a Narrative of Emancipation 218

22 Emancipatory Strategy 223

On the Emancipatory Potential of the Ethos of

“the Commons” 224

Contents xiii

The Reality of the Ethos of “the Commons” 227

A Strategy for Coordination 232

The Rationality of “the Commons” 234

23 Conclusion of Part IV 237

24 Conclusion 239

Bibliography 247

Index 265

© The Author(s) 2017 1

C. Masquelier, Critique and Resistance in a Neoliberal Age,

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-40194-6_1

1

Introduction

On 23 June 2016, the UK voted to leave the European Union (EU).

The result sent shockwaves throughout the UK and Europe, for although

polls predicted a close race, the decision to change so suddenly and radi￾cally the course of Britain’s history was a rather unexpected outcome.

Academics, journalists and politicians have, since then, been trying to

make sense of the results. Some more or less clear voting patterns are now

visible. Working class and uneducated demographics were more likely

to vote to leave the EU, with immigration and sovereignty topping their

agenda. The vote against the EU was in fact also a vote for a particu￾lar idea of England, where economic issues are wrapped up in issues of

(national) identity. The sharp divisions the referendum served to animate

were, therefore, both economic and cultural.

But this is by no means an isolated case. Similar developments have

been unfolding in other neoliberal societies. In France, for example,

Marine Le Pen’s National Front has been enjoying unprecedented levels

of popularity among French voters, with voting scores reaching almost

30% in the 2015 regional elections (Siraud 2015). The party’s success

lies in attracting traditionally left-wing voters by wrapping up economic

problems, such as rising unemployment and economic insecurity, in

2

issues of identity. This, too, is the reason for Donald Trump’s unexpected

victory at the 2016 American presidential election. Like Le Pen, he is

more likely to appeal to the poorer, less educated, male and white demo￾graphics (Ross 2015). Like Le Pen, he insists on solving economic prob￾lems by, as Hillary Clinton herself put it, “building walls rather than

bridges” (Cassidy 2016). Like her, he expresses and relies upon national￾ist sentiments in the discussion of economic matters, often wrapped up

in traditionally left-wing rhetoric, such as the defence of ordinary work￾ers’ rights against precarizing flows of capital.

What these different cases therefore present us with is a striking pat￾tern. In each of them, it is possible to observe a complex articulation

of economic and cultural issues, underpinning demands for “making

Britain, France or America great again,” “taking our country back,” or

“controlling immigration.” What supporters of Brexit, Le Pen and Trump

effectively seek to resist, then, are essential features of neoliberal global￾ization: transnational movements dictated by the logic of an increasingly

globalized and free market. The demand for control is, without doubt, a

genuine demand for economic change. But in each of the different cases

under discussion, it is combined with a return to an apparently glorious

cultural past, remembered as pure and unadulterated. The recent surge

of reactionary forces across the advanced capitalist world in fact lies in

far right parties’ capacity to mobilize questions of identity, and matters

regarding how individuals want to live, alongside economic ones. Under

their guise, the increased precarization of life is not tackled as an exclu￾sively economic matter. It is wrapped up in cultural issues, with identity

and, more often than not, race playing the role of signifier for the eco￾nomic troubles of the white working classes. While these parties may be

self-proclaimed anti-establishment parties, the target is not so much the

establishment as its overt symbols, such as the incumbent political elites.

The enemies are not such a highly unstable, ruthless and exploitative eco￾nomic regime and a political system corrupted by money as the seem￾ingly undeserving and criminalized “others” believed to be the visible

face of the causes of precarization and cultural contamination amid an

increasingly globalized and free market.

This state of affairs constitutes an acute challenge for progressive

forces opposed to the neoliberal economic political order, such as those

Critique and Resistance in a Neoliberal Age

3

represented by Bernie Sanders in the USA and Jeremy Corbyn in the

UK. It is in fact becoming increasingly clear that, if the progressive Left

wishes to rise to power once more, it can no longer articulate its political

project predominantly articulated around socio-economic injustices. It

must, too, recognize the importance of identity politics and be in a posi￾tion to represent the interests of a broad range of oppressed groups and

political causes. Only by connecting solidarities can the Left, today, be

in a position to mobilize the critical mass that could turn it into a viable

force in politics, namely one equipped with the resources to resist both

neoliberalism and reactionary forces. Lisa Duggan understood it very

well, as indicated in the following passage:

A sustainable opposition [to neoliberal capitalism] would need to connect

culture, politics, and economics; identity politics and class politics; univer￾salist rhetoric and particular issues and interests; intellectual and material

resources. (Duggan 2003: 41)

In her short but powerful book titled The Twilight of Equality (2003),

Duggan draws on a range of case studies to demonstrate the complex

interplay of “cultural values” and “economic goals” in neoliberal domi￾nation. In this sense, critical theorists have an important role to play

in exposing and conceptualizing the intersection of diverse solidarities.

Some notable theoretical developments in this regard can, in fact, already

be observed. Intersectionality theorists, for example, have devised con￾ceptual tools with the potential to frame political coalitions between

oppressed identity-based and socio-economic groups (Bilge 2013; Collins

and Bilge 2016). In a different vein, but following a similar logic, eco￾logical Marxists such as Ted Benton (1993) and James O’Connor (1998)

have sought to connect the proletarian cause with the environmentalist

one. Strikingly though, there have been few attempts, if any at all, to

tackle, head on and at once, the intersection of economic, cultural and

environmental struggles in the light of conditions of existence specific to

the neoliberal age. Even a book specifically devoted to the task of laying

the groundwork for a “sustainable opposition” to neoliberalism such as

Duggan’s, tends to overlook the environmentalist cause. This book, there￾fore, aims to fill this gap and make its own, however modest, contribution

1 Introduction

4

to the conceptualization of an emancipatory coalitional politics under

the neoliberal age. This task, I nevertheless contend, can be best achieved

by probing the processes underpinning the neoliberal political economic

architecture and modus operandi of neoliberal domination. As such, the

conceptualized unity in the diversity of struggles offered here, will form

part and, indeed, derive from, a broader critique of neoliberalism. Before

acknowledging my broad theoretical debts for choosing to proceed in this

manner and introducing the structure of the book, let me clarify what I

mean by neoliberalism.

Defining Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism is fraught with conceptual difficulties (Venogupal 2015),

not least because of the rather diverse range of theoretical traditions

that have shaped what we know today as the neoliberal vision (Gane

2014).1

The task of defining neoliberalism is a particularly complex affair,

too, because of the gap between some of its core tenets, such as mini￾mal state intervention, and its de facto existence as a vision requiring a

state active in creating the economic and extra-economic conditions for

its implementation (Jessop 2002; Harvey 2005). For this reason, some

claim that it is more appropriate to regard it either as a “utopia” or ideol￾ogy (Bourdieu 1998; Levitas 2010; Hall 2011, 2013). Finally, although

neoliberalism marks a new stage of political economic development, its

manifestation across the Western world has been far from homogeneous.

Some societies, such as the USA and the UK, could indeed be regarded

as more neoliberalized than others, such as France and Spain. It is there￾fore important to avoid treating neoliberalism as a set of fully formed

characteristics evenly distributed and developed across different advanced

Western capitalist societies. Thus, it may be more appropriate to analyse

neoliberalism in processual terms than as a fait accompli.

Despite such conceptual difficulties, it is possible to identify a broad

range of transformations following a “neoliberal trajectory” (Baccaro

1Friedrich Hayek, for example, disagreed with the German ordoliberals regarding the conditions

under which freedom and competition arise (Bröckling 2016).

Critique and Resistance in a Neoliberal Age