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Automotive FDI in emering Europe: Shifting locales in the moter vehicles industry
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Automotive FDI in Emerging
Europe
A. J. Jacobs
Automotive FDI
in Emerging Europe
Shifting Locales in the Motor Vehicle Industry
A. J. Jacobs
Department of Sociology
East Carolina University
Greenville, North Carolina, USA
ISBN 978-1-137-40781-8 ISBN 978-1-137-40786-3 (eBook)
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-40786-3
Library of Congress Control Number: 2017937902
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017
The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance
with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
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transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the
relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein
or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to
jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Printed on acid-free paper
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature
The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd.
The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United Kingdom
This book is dedicated to Dr. Petr Pavlinek, whose scholarly
publications on the auto industry in Post-Socialist Europe and
dedication to excellence have inspired my own research.
Contents
1 Introduction and Overview 1
2 Two Blocs to One Market: The Shift East of Auto
Production in Post-Socialist Europe 11
3 Foreign Passenger Car Plants in Poland 35
4 Passenger Car Plants Before and After the Former
East Germany 103
5 Foreign Carmakers in Czechia 147
6 Foreign Automakers in Independent Slovakia 191
7 Foreign Car Plants in Hungary 235
8 The Next Ring:The Emerging Southeast
Europe Auto Zone 279
9 Conclusions and Future Auto FDI Prospects for CE
and SEE Nations 319
Index 351
vii
List of Tables
Table 1.1 Active and planned foreign car plants in the CE
and SEE, 2016 3
Table 2.1 Passenger car production in CE and SEE, 1950–1989 16
Table 2.2 Foreign passenger car plant takeovers and launches
in CE and SEE, 1989–2000 20
Table 2.3 Passenger car production in three areas of Europe,
1989–2001 23
Table 2.4 Foreign passenger car plants launched or planned
in the CE and SEE, 2001–2016 26
Table 2.5 Passenger car production in three areas of Europe,
2001–2015 28
Table 3.1 Active and former foreign car plants in Poland 41
Table 3.2 UkrAVTO-GM car production at FSO Zeran,
2008–2012 64
Table 3.3 FCA Tychy light vehicle production, 2009–2015 70
Table 3.4 VW Poznan light vehicle production, 2009–2015 78
Table 3.5 Opel Gliwice car production, 2009–2015 87
Table 3.6 Foreign car production in Poland, 1989–2015 90
Table 4.1 Active and former car plants in the former East Germany 111
Table 4.2 VW Zwickau (Mosel) car production, 2009–2015 116
Table 4.3 VW Dresden car production, 2009–2015 119
Table 4.4 Porsche Leipzig car production, 2009–2015 123
Table 4.5 Opel Eisenach car production, 2009–2015 134
ix
Table 4.6 BMW Leipzig car production, 2009–2015 135
Table 4.7 Car production in the former East Germany, 1989–2015 140
Table 5.1 Foreign car plants in Czechia 148
Table 5.2 Skoda light vehicles production in Czechia, 2009–2015 171
Table 5.3 TPCA Kolin car production, 2009–2015 174
Table 5.4 Hyundai Nosovice car production, 2009–2015 179
Table 5.5 Foreign car production in Czechia, 1989–2015 183
Table 6.1 Foreign car plants in Slovakia 196
Table 6.2 VW Bratislava car production, 2009–2015 203
Table 6.3 PSA Trnava car production, 2009–2015 208
Table 6.4 Kia Zilina car production, 2009–2015 219
Table 6.5 Foreign car production in Slovakia, 1989–2015 226
Table 7.1 Active and former foreign car plants in Hungary 243
Table 7.2 Suzuki Esztergom Car Production, 2009–2015 256
Table 7.3 Audi Hungary car production, 2009–2015 263
Table 7.4 Mercedes-Benz Kecskemet car production, 2012–2015 267
Table 7.5 Foreign car production in Hungary, 1989–2015 270
Table 8.1 Foreign passenger car plants in SEE Auto Zone 281
Table 8.2 Car production in the SEE Auto Zone, 1989–2015 283
Table 8.3 SEE Auto Zone car production by Plant, 2009–2015 288
Table 9.1 Comparing labor in Central, Southeast, and Western
Europe, 2015 321
Table 9.2 CE and SEE labor, accessibility, and government
attractiveness for car plants 324
Table 9.3 CE and SEE near-term prospects for new car plants
and expansion 327
x List of Tables
1
Introduction and Overview
In the first ten years following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989,
Western automakers commenced passenger car production at 16 sites
in the former Socialist Central European (CE) nations of
Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia.
Four more were taken over in the former Socialist Southeast Europe
(SEE) nations of Romania and Yugoslavia. Passenger cars were defined
here as cars, sport and crossover utility vehicles (SUV or CUV), multipurpose vehicles/microvans (MPVs), minivans/vans, and light pickup
trucks utilized for private transportation and not commercial
purposes.
The first sooners, Fiat (now FCA) and General Motors (GM) in
Poland, Suzuki in Hungary, and Volkswagen (VW) in East Germany
and Czechoslovakia, originally established joint ventures with state-run
organizations. Whereas the labor savings accrued by building cars
bound for Western Europe in CE grew more important over time,
inflated projections of new cars sales in the Eastern Bloc and gaining
duty-free entry to these markets were the most decisive factors provoking the establishment of most early plants. In fact, 13 of the 20 plants
launched in CE and SEE by 2000 were officially announced before
© The Author(s) 2017
A.J. Jacobs, Automotive FDI in Emerging Europe,
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-40786-3_1
1
November 1, 1993, the day when the Treaty of Maastricht making the
European Union (EU) a reality came into effect (See Chapter 2).
The success of these initial factories attracted scores of foreign components suppliers to these areas, and then more foreign car plants. This
second wave of car factories was motivated by the growing influence of
other forces. Most important among them was the impending major
enlargement of the EU on May 1, 2004 which incorporated all four CE
nations into the single market. This enabled foreign automakers to truly
take advantage of the CE’s strategic geographic proximity to Western
European markets and their relatively inexpensive, yet sufficiently skilled
labor forces. CE governments also became more involved, competing
aggressively for these plants by adopting extensive foreign direct investment (FDI) focused incentive programs and then offering larger and
larger subsidy packages to lure foreign carmakers. In sum, the situation
went from automakers chasing markets to firms chasing cost-cutting
labor and States chasing automakers.
As a result of this new environment, ten more foreign car assembly
complexes were announced in CE and SEE between 2001 and 2016,
and many of the first wave of 20 plants were expanded significantly.
Conversely, three facilities from the initial group were closed by 2012
and four others ended car output to concentrate on other activities. As a
result, as detailed in Table 1.1, there currently were 22 active foreign car
plants and one under construction in CE and SEE in 2016. Among the
active plants, 18 and the one in progress were in CE and four in SEE.
The CE plants included: four in Czechia; three in Slovakia, with a
fourth in Slovakia underway (Czechoslovakia split in 1993); three in
Hungary; three in Poland; and five in the former East Germany (East
and West Germany unified in 1989). The four in SEE included: two in
Romania; and one each in the former Yugoslav republics of Serbia and
Slovenia. None of these 22 factories were controlled by firms originally
based in Eastern Bloc nations.
Overall, the active 22 plants collectively had the capacity to produce
more than 6.2 million light vehicles per year and employed 123,171
persons in 2015. Slightly more than 5.0 million of this available vehicle
capacity and 101,783 of these workers were located in CE factories.
Finally, these complexes assembled more than 4.7 million passenger cars
2 1 Introduction and Overview
Table 1.1 Active and planned foreign car plants in the CE and SEE, 2016
Automaker
Company
origin Place, CE nation Announced
Production
launched
Emp.
31 Dec,
2015
Passenger
car output
2015
Vehicle
capacity
2016
Total 123,171 4,732,545 6,207,000
CE 101,783 4,124,074 5,047,000
SEE 21,388 608,471 1,160,000
1. FCA Italy Tychy, Poland Sep-1987 Jun-1991 3,270 302,639 600,000
2. Renault Revoz France Novo Mesto, Slovenia Jun-1988 Dec-1989 3,178 129,405 210,000
3. VW Germanya Zwickau, Germanyb Dec-1989 Oct-1996 8,820 301,301 300,000
4. Suzuki Japan Esztergom, Hungary Jan-1990 Oct-1992 3,100 185,533 300,000
5. GM Opel USA Eisenach, Germanyb Mar-1990 Sep-1992 1,850 116,248 160,000
6. VW Skoda Germany Mlada Boleslav, Czechia Dec-1990 Apr-1991 21,299 537,621 600,000
7. VW Skoda Germany Kvasiny, Czechia Dec-1990 Apr-1991 3,374 142,286 180,000
8. VW Germany Bratislava, Slovakia Mar-1991 Dec-1991 9,762 358,776 400,000
9. VWc Germany Poznan, Poland May-1993 Jul-1994 7,765 62,656 175,000
10. GM Opel USA Gliwice, Poland Dec-1995 Aug-1998 2,890 169,405 207,000
11. Audi Germany Gyor, Hungary May-1996 Apr-1998 11,411 160,206 160,000
12. VW Germany Dresden, Germanyb Jun-1998 Dec-2001 525 3,254 10,000
13. Renault Dacia France Mioveni, Romania Jul-1999 Sep-1999 11,108 339,204 450,000
14. Porsche Germany Leipzig, Germanyb Sep-1999 Aug-2002 3,667 164,968 165,000
15. BMW Germany Leipzig, Germanyb Jul-2001 Mar-2005 6,000 233,656 240,000
(continued )
Table 1.1 (continued)
Automaker
Company
origin Place, CE nation Announced
Production
launched
Emp.
31 Dec,
2015
Passenger
car output
2015
Vehicle
capacity
2016
16. ToyotaPeugeot Japan-France Ovcary-Kolin, Czechia Dec-2001 Feb-2005 3,464 219,054 300,000
17. PSA France Trnava, Slovakia Jan-2004 Jun-2006 3,500 303,025 360,000
18. Kia S. Korea Teplicka nad Vahom,
Slovakia
Mar-2004 Dec-2006 3,646 338,200 360,000
19. Hyundai S. Korea Nosovice, Czechia Sep-2005 Nov-2008 3,440 342,200 350,000
20. Ford USA Craiova, Romania Sep-2007 Sep-2009 4,002 47,967 300,000
21. FCA Italy Kragujevac, Serbia Apr-2008 Mar-2009 3,100 91,895 200,000
22. Mercedes-Benz Germany Kecskemet, Hungary-Plant 1 Jun-2008 Mar-2012 4,000 183,046 180,000
— Mercedes-Benz Germany Kecskemet, Hungary-Plant-2 Jul-2016 Mar-2012 ~2,500 NA ~150,000
23. JLR India Nitra, Slovakia Aug-2015 Late-2018 ~2,800 NA ~300,000
Sources: Compiled and adapted by the author from Tables 3.1 to 8.3 of this book.
a All German automakers were based in the former West Germany.
b All five plants listed in Germany were located in the former East Germany.
c Also produced 108,144 LCV in 2015.
in 2015, of which CE produced 4.1 million. By comparison, CE and
SEE plants assembled 1.7 million cars in 2001 and slightly less than 1.1
million in 1989. Including East Germany, CE facilities built 1.5 million
of these cars in 2001 and 702,819 in 1989.
As output in CE and SEE expanded after 2001, many of these same
automakers, with the exception of the Japanese and Korean firms,
mothballed and/or downsized one or more of their existing plants in
Western European. France, Belgium, and Italy were hit hardest, but
even the former West Germany was not immune to such actions. The
result was that after declining slightly from 14.9 million in 1989 to 14.8
million in 2001, total car production in Western Europe’s ten largest
producing nation fell to 11.8 million in 2015. In other words, as annual
car output in CE increased by 2.6 million in 2015 as compared with
2001 and 3.0 million including SEE, it contracted by 3.1 million or
one-fifth in Western Europe during this frame. Chapter 2 supplies more
details on this shift.
Overall, in the eight chapters following this introduction, this book
seeks to provide the first relatively in-depth historical overview of the
development of foreign car plants in all four current Post-Socialist CE
nations, plus the often ignored East Germany. In doing so, it also sheds
light some of the factors driving the growing shift in European car
production eastward. To accomplish this, separate chapters are dedicated
to each CE nation’s foreign car production histories. A bonus chapter then
chronicles the much smaller scale activities in the next ring of European car
production, the SEE Auto Zone, an area encompassing Romania, Serbia,
and Slovenia. These six nation chapters are bookended by one chapter that
provides some basic background data as a foundation for these historical
developments, and a conclusion that speculating on the near-term prospects for car production in CE and SEE (next five to ten years).
What is presented then represents a fairly detailed account of initial
factory announcements, production launches, vehicle output, and other
relevant facts for every known foreign car plant operated in the CE. This
includes a plethora of data tables and histories tracing the origins of these
facilities back to their inceptions. What also is unique is that almost all of
the production data presented was directly obtained from the automakers
themselves, rather than from third party sources. I achieved this through
Introduction and Overview 5
correspondences with more than 20 corporate representatives, who graciously responded to email inquiries by providing me with spreadsheets,
pdf files, and links to production figures and other plant information.
These contacts were complemented by interactions with quasi-government
organizations, such as Investment Promotion Agencies and automobile
manufacturing associations, which helped fill in gaps.
Next, my own actual site visits and factory tours served as critical
sources of information. During this field work, I took copious notes of
my surroundings, collected pamphlets and documents, and spoke informally with plant officials. After leaving each plant, I toured the surrounding area and took notes and photographs of existing supplier
factories and infrastructure. The internet also was a fantastic source of
automaker annual reports and/or of some published by factories themselves (most factory reports were not published in English). Finally, each
history was enhanced by a review of scores of scholarly articles and books
and enumerable news reports from an assortment of English and nonEnglish publications, both local and international focused.
Some expert readers may find slight discrepancies in the production
data presented here for certain assembly plants from those published by
governments and the highly credible third-party sources, Organisation
Internationale des Constructeurs d’Automobiles (OICA) and Ward’s
Communications. One additional reason for this is that I made great efforts
to not double count output, attributing complete knockdown (CKD), semiknockdown (SKD), and partial knockdown (PKD) kits to only one plant,
the facility completing final assembly of the cars. National reporting agencies
often take credit for this production as their own, whether preparing the KD
kits or assembling them. This results in double counting and distortions in
final figures. Both OICA and Ward’s have made great efforts to harmonize
these figures in recent years, but noticeable data discrepancies between the
two organizations and national agencies exist before 1999, when OICA
began publishing data by manufacturer.
A few final remarks are necessary before proceeding to the forthcoming
summaries of the chapters. Although multiple cross references and connections are made throughout these chapters, much of what is presented is a
critical historical anthology, and fact checked to the ‘Nth’ degree. Critical
commentary is only sprinkled in where necessary to clarify a point and
6 1 Introduction and Overview
otherwise left to Chapter 2 and the Conclusion Chapter 9. Even these essays
are less critical than some may like. This was done to preserve the historical
narrative and significance of the rapid growth of car production in CE after
the Fall of Socialism. Lastly, the research for this book began in March 2011
and continued unabated until December 15, 2016, the day in which I
submitted the first draft to the publisher. In other words, each chapter,
instead of just this introduction, should rightly contain a citation denoting
my field work (i.e., Jacobs 2011–2016). They do not.1
Following this introduction, the book proceeds with Chapter 2,
‘From Two Blocs to One Market: The Shift East of Auto Production
in Post-Socialist Europe.’ This brief chapter sets the scene for the nationspecific chapters by providing a short synopsis of passenger car production in CE during the Socialist Era (1949–1989). It then provides
a chronology of foreign car plant production launches in CE and SEE
and a summary of car production data by nation for CE, SEE,
and Western Europe. These figures are broken up into two distinct
periods: 1989–2001 or Post-Socialist Phase I; and 2001–2015 or PostSocialist Phase II.
Once this necessary preparatory background information is provided,
Chapter 3, ‘Foreign Passenger Car Plants in Poland,’ traces the lineage of
Poland’s three current and four former foreign car plants. This complicated
saga demonstrates the initial chaos of the early Post-Socialist Period privatization process. Whereas the active plants FCA Tychy, VW Poznan, and GM’s
Opel Gliwice all evolved within this context, Poland’s sometimes poor
decisions on which automakers to depend upon, Daewoo of Korea, resulted
in the failures of its state-run car plants in Warsaw and Lublin. The chapter
concludes by summarizing Poland’s car production data since the fall of
Socialism and by briefly discussing Toyota’s powertrain facilities (engine and
transmission) and Mercedes-Benz’s engine factory and rumored car plant in
southern Poland. Due to the sheer number of plants to be covered, this
chapter is easily the longest in the book.
Chapter 4, ‘Passenger Car Plants Before and After the Former East
Germany,’ chronicles the legacies of the five current car factories located
1 See Jacobs (2011–2016).
Introduction and Overview 7